March 18, Colombo (LNW): Sri Lanka’s agricultural industry is currently grappling with a substantial decline in production, particularly affecting staple crops like paddy, tea, and coconut. This downturn is compounded by the impact of global agricultural supply chain disruptions, worsened by extreme weather conditions.
The ripple effects of these challenges are pushing food prices higher across the island, intensifying inflationary pressures that are becoming a significant concern for both the public and policymakers alike.
In Sri Lanka, the country’s key crop, paddy, has faced a marked reduction in output. By the end of December 2024, the forecast for the 2024/25 Maha season predicted a decrease in production to 2.57 million metric tonnes, reflecting a 5.77 percent dip compared to the previous season, according to data from the Central Bank.
This reduction in paddy production has contributed to a sharp rise in rice prices, with retail outlets facing significant shortages. Some rice varieties have been out of stock for extended periods, with some stores experiencing shortages lasting weeks or even months.
Despite government efforts to manage the situation through rice imports, setting minimum paddy prices, and imposing maximum rice prices, the market remains volatile and unstable.
Tea, another key agricultural export of Sri Lanka, has had mixed fortunes. Although tea production experienced notable growth in December 2024 (9.6 percent) and January 2025 (14.6 percent), it suffered a dramatic 22 percent decline in February 2025, amounting to just 15.59 million kilograms.
As a result, the cumulative production for the first two months of 2025 showed a slight decrease. At the same time, tea auction prices have been trending downward, reflecting the overall struggles of the sector.
Coconut production has also been severely impacted, experiencing declines of 33.1 percent in December 2024 and 32.2 percent in January 2025. This sharp reduction in supply has led to a surge in coconut prices, with consumers now paying nearly Rs.200 per nut. This situation is putting additional strain on household budgets, further exacerbating the overall inflationary pressures.
However, there is a bright spot in Sri Lanka’s rubber production, which grew by 32.4 percent in December 2024. Despite this positive development, provisional data indicates a potential decline in rubber output in January 2025.
Globally, the situation is equally concerning, as both coffee and cocoa prices have risen significantly due to adverse weather conditions. In 2024, global coffee prices surged by 40 percent, reaching multi-year highs.
Similarly, cocoa prices hit an all-time high in December 2024, climbing by 30 percent, driven by poor weather conditions in West Africa, particularly in Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana, which together supply 60 percent of the world’s cocoa.
The combined effects of local agricultural challenges and global supply chain disruptions are creating a challenging landscape for Sri Lanka’s agricultural sector and consumers alike.
March 18, Colombo (LNW): Thundershowers accompanied by severe lightning are likely to occur at several places in Western, Sabaragamuwa, Central, Southern and Uva provinces, the Natural Hazards Early Warning Centre of the Department of Meteorology warned.
The statement added that there may be temporary localised strong winds during thundershowers.
The general public is urged to take adequate precautions to minimise damages caused by lightning activity.
March 18, Colombo (LNW): Parliament has given the green light to the establishment of seven Sectoral Oversight Committees as part of the governance structure for the Tenth Parliament.
The decision, which ensures a balanced distribution of power, allocates four committee chairmanships to the Government and three to the Opposition.
The motion for the formation of these committees was introduced in Parliament by Leader of the House, Minister Bimal Rathnayake on March 17, 2025.
The House of Parliament promptly approved the motion following the recommendation of the Committee of Selection.
In line with the agreements reached, the chairmanships of several key committees were allocated across both sides of the House. The Government will take control of the chairmanships for the Sectoral Oversight Committees on Economic Development and International Relations, Health, Media and Women’s Empowerment, Science, Technology and Digital Transformation, as well as Governance, Justice and Civil Protection.
On the other hand, the Opposition will oversee the Sectoral Oversight Committees on Infrastructure and Strategic Development, Education, Manpower and Human Capital, and Environment, Agriculture and Resource Sustainability.
March 18, Colombo (LNW): President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has outlined a series of decisive steps aimed at tackling organised crime and drug abuse in Sri Lanka.
During a meeting with the police chiefs of the Western Province at the Presidential Secretariat, the President highlighted the urgent need for both enhanced facilities and the introduction of new, stringent legislation to address these growing issues.
In his address, President Dissanayake stressed the critical role of the Police Department in upholding the rule of law, asserting that the maintenance of law and order is a fundamental responsibility of the police force.
He pointed out that without the supremacy of the law, establishing a fair and just society in Sri Lanka would remain an unattainable goal.
The President’s commitment to tackling organised crime and drug-related offences aligns with his broader vision of creating a safer, more equitable nation.
As part of his administration’s efforts, he promised to prioritise the necessary resources and legal reforms to combat these challenges effectively, ensuring a more secure environment for all citizens.
March 18, Colombo (LNW): In a move aimed at supporting the agricultural sector, the Cabinet of Ministers has approved the allocation of fertiliser subsidies for farmers planning to cultivate land during the 2025 Yala season.
The decision follows a proposal presented by the Minister of Agriculture, Livestock, Lands, and Irrigation, which outlines financial assistance for various farming activities.
Under the approved plan, farmers involved in paddy cultivation will receive a subsidy of Rs. 25,000 per hectare, with a limit of two hectares per farmer.
Additionally, those cultivating other field crops on paddy lands, as identified in seasonal consultations, will be eligible for a subsidy of Rs. 15,000 per hectare, again with a cap of two hectares.
This article is to present key points published in the Daily Mirror, 14 March 2025 (Press here to read the article), based on a public lecture made by Dr. Indrajit Coomaraswamy, Central Bank Governor 2016-2019, on 10 March 2025 in celebration of the 75th Anniversary of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka.
This blog article reveals the importance of the contents of the Daily Mirror article to provide a key source of information critical for investigating into those who are responsible for the economic crisis that the country has been confronting since late 2020 if relevant authorities are interested in conduct of a technical investigation.
It is the general practice seen in many countries that official reports are published after economic crises to inform the public of causes, impact and resolution measures of such crises and reform agenda proposed to prevent the recurrence of such crises.
However, whole blame for the crisis in Sri Lanka has been singularly passed to a handful of leaders and officials who were involved in managing the economy in 2020/21 based purely on political agendas without any official crisis reports of macroeconomic nature published by relevant authorities.
Key points in the Daily Mirror article showing untold causes of the crisis
I list down important points below. However, I don’t wish to comment or add to them in order to keep their investigative value open for public debate or investigation.
Despite a pushback against future borrowings via International Sovereign Bonds (ISBs) from certain quarters, Sri Lanka will, at some point, have to tap international capital markets to prevent further economic compression and close the external financing gap, which remains wide.
Sri Lanka should not and cannot achieve smooth debt management and gradually reduce its external financing needs before tapping ISBs again—something the country has neither done nor been able to do since 2019.
Without such borrowings—typically at a relatively lower cost than portfolio investments in rupee government securities and with longer maturities—Sri Lanka will struggle to bridge its external financing gap.
Unless funds come from sovereign bonds, Sri Lanka would experience compression in both consumption and investment, which the country cannot afford due to the deep contraction and its economic consequences on businesses and the public alike.
ISBs are probably the most effective way of doing it unless we sell ourselves to some donor who will bankroll us, which is not a good outcome.
Total outstanding sovereign bonds rose from US$ 5.0 billion at the beginning of 2015 to US$ 15.0 billion by the end of 2019, with US$ 4.5 billion raised in 2019 alone.
This was done for two reasons—first, to reduce reliance on highly volatile portfolio inflows into government securities, which stood at around US$ 3.5 billion in early 2015, and second, to reduce approximately US$ 2.5 billion worth of currency swaps with other central banks.
Portfolio investments in rupee securities were causing significant trouble due to their extreme volatility, creating uncertainties for policy-making at a time when the U.S. Federal Reserve was raising interest rates. As a result, portfolio investments were brought down to about US$ 600 million and currency swaps down to US$ 500 million by the end of 2019, from where they stood at the start of 2015.
Funds raised through ISBs were crucial in extending the maturities of Sri Lanka’s external debt and lowering borrowing costs, as ISBs were issued at rates between 6 percent and 7 percent, compared to rupee bonds, which were around 12 percent at the time.
US$ 4.5 billion worth of bonds issued in 2019 were raised both to extend maturities and to create buffers for the next administration, which was almost certain to come into power later that year due to public dissatisfaction following the Easter bombings.
It was fairly certain that the economic stabilisation programme would not continue under a future administration, which could lead to the discontinuation of the then-ongoing International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme.
Even the markets were willing to lend to Sri Lanka at the time, as they believed in the country’s progress in strengthening macroeconomic fundamentals under the IMF programme and through the Active Liability Management Act, which was passed in parliament during that period.
Pushing back against claims that large-scale bond issuances were primarily responsible for Sri Lanka’s 2022 debt default, Dr. Coomaraswamy argued that these borrowings actually helped delay an otherwise inevitable default. Without continued to borrow or issue ISBs, the default would have been much earlier because of literally borrowing to repay the debt where at least 90 percent of fresh borrowings during that period were used to settle existing debts.
Concluding remarks
The celebration referred to in the article seems to be that of the Central Bank operated under the Monetary Law Act (MLA) since 28 August 1950 until 13 September 2023. The present Central Bank of Sri Lanka is the world’s newest central bank that was established on 14 September 2023 under the Central Bank of Sri Lanka Act, No. 16 of 2023 which repealed the MLA ,which is to celebrated its second anniversary in September this year.
However, the said public lecture is really an insight into how those who governed the Central Bank under the MLA caused the catastrophe to the economy and living standards during its last years of operations despite their public mandates.
The Central Bank under the MLA was the monetary policymaker, public debt manager, fiscal agent, fiscal adviser, banker to the government, country’s foreign reserve manager, exchange rate manager and bank regulator supported by a wide range of public policy powers granted by the MLA for the overall statutory objective of maintaining the economic and price stability and financial system stability of the country financed by discretionary money printing as determined by a handful of central bank managers. This is the only institution in the county that does not encounter financing constraints for its operations. Therefore, the Central Bank has been so generous even to borrow through ISBs in 2019 to create a buffer for the next government predicted by the Central Bank on prevailing political circumstances.
Therefore, in reading through relevant provisions of the MLA and events that led to the crisis, there is no doubt that the crisis was the singular outcome of the gross failure and negligence of the managers of the Central Bank on their public policy duties especially after 2015.
For any investigation on the crisis if it were to commence, the Exter Report along with subsequent amendments made to the MLA from time to time would be a necessary source of information. In addition, two paragraphs are noted below from Mr. John Exter’s message sent to the 25th Anniversary Commemorative Volume of the Central Bank, who alerted a difficult period of next 25 years and beyond for the Central Bank.
Until we do the investigation and resolve the monetary and economic structure of the country to be capable of mobilizing resources and opportunities for higher living standards targeted in next 50 years, the present crisis may never end as the monetary system will be governed by those of the network macroeconomic thoughts connected to the contents of the Daily Mirror article as revealed at present. Therefore, what we should be interested in are only the capable systems and not artificially created images of specific persons and institutions.
Otherwise, the crisis will continue as the single source of the country’s political instability created by leaders struggling for the power through false promises made for recovering the economy and people from the crisis without knowing real causes and effective recovery measures.
Finally, contents of the Daily Mirror article show how the economy and people of Sri Lanka were trapped in the global network of IMF and financial investors and firm signals of its persistence despite the change in the hands of national leaders.
(This article is released in the interest of participating in the professional dialogue to find out solutions to present economic crisis confronted by the general public consequent to the global Corona pandemic, subsequent economic disruptions and shocks both local and global and policy failures. All are personal views of the author based on his research in the subject of Economics which have no intension to personally or maliciously discredit characters of any individuals.)
P Samarasiri
Former Deputy Governor, Central Bank of Sri Lanka
(Former Director of Bank Supervision, Assistant Governor, Secretary to the Monetary Board and Compliance Officer of the Central Bank, Former Chairman of the Sri Lanka Accounting and Auditing Standards Board and Credit Information Bureau, Former Chairman and Vice Chairman of the Institute of Bankers of Sri Lanka, Former Member of the Securities and Exchange Commission and Insurance Regulatory Commission and the Author of 13 Economics and Banking Books and a large number of articles published.)
Article’s purpose and background
This article is to present key points published in the Daily Mirror, 14 March 2025 (Press here to read the article), based on a public lecture made by Dr. Indrajit Coomaraswamy, Central Bank Governor 2016-2019, on 10 March 2025 in celebration of the 75th Anniversary of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka.
This blog article reveals the importance of the contents of the Daily Mirror article to provide a key source of information critical for investigating into those who are responsible for the economic crisis that the country has been confronting since late 2020 if relevant authorities are interested in conduct of a technical investigation.
It is the general practice seen in many countries that official reports are published after economic crises to inform the public of causes, impact and resolution measures of such crises and reform agenda proposed to prevent the recurrence of such crises.
However, whole blame for the crisis in Sri Lanka has been singularly passed to a handful of leaders and officials who were involved in managing the economy in 2020/21 based purely on political agendas without any official crisis reports of macroeconomic nature published by relevant authorities.
Key points in the Daily Mirror article showing untold causes of the crisis
I list down important points below. However, I don’t wish to comment or add to them in order to keep their investigative value open for public debate or investigation.
Despite a pushback against future borrowings via International Sovereign Bonds (ISBs) from certain quarters, Sri Lanka will, at some point, have to tap international capital markets to prevent further economic compression and close the external financing gap, which remains wide.
Sri Lanka should not and cannot achieve smooth debt management and gradually reduce its external financing needs before tapping ISBs again—something the country has neither done nor been able to do since 2019.
Without such borrowings—typically at a relatively lower cost than portfolio investments in rupee government securities and with longer maturities—Sri Lanka will struggle to bridge its external financing gap.
Unless funds come from sovereign bonds, Sri Lanka would experience compression in both consumption and investment, which the country cannot afford due to the deep contraction and its economic consequences on businesses and the public alike.
ISBs are probably the most effective way of doing it unless we sell ourselves to some donor who will bankroll us, which is not a good outcome.
Total outstanding sovereign bonds rose from US$ 5.0 billion at the beginning of 2015 to US$ 15.0 billion by the end of 2019, with US$ 4.5 billion raised in 2019 alone.
This was done for two reasons—first, to reduce reliance on highly volatile portfolio inflows into government securities, which stood at around US$ 3.5 billion in early 2015, and second, to reduce approximately US$ 2.5 billion worth of currency swaps with other central banks.
Portfolio investments in rupee securities were causing significant trouble due to their extreme volatility, creating uncertainties for policy-making at a time when the U.S. Federal Reserve was raising interest rates. As a result, portfolio investments were brought down to about US$ 600 million and currency swaps down to US$ 500 million by the end of 2019, from where they stood at the start of 2015.
Funds raised through ISBs were crucial in extending the maturities of Sri Lanka’s external debt and lowering borrowing costs, as ISBs were issued at rates between 6 percent and 7 percent, compared to rupee bonds, which were around 12 percent at the time.
US$ 4.5 billion worth of bonds issued in 2019 were raised both to extend maturities and to create buffers for the next administration, which was almost certain to come into power later that year due to public dissatisfaction following the Easter bombings.
It was fairly certain that the economic stabilisation programme would not continue under a future administration, which could lead to the discontinuation of the then-ongoing International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme.
Even the markets were willing to lend to Sri Lanka at the time, as they believed in the country’s progress in strengthening macroeconomic fundamentals under the IMF programme and through the Active Liability Management Act, which was passed in parliament during that period.
Pushing back against claims that large-scale bond issuances were primarily responsible for Sri Lanka’s 2022 debt default, Dr. Coomaraswamy argued that these borrowings actually helped delay an otherwise inevitable default. Without continued to borrow or issue ISBs, the default would have been much earlier because of literally borrowing to repay the debt where at least 90 percent of fresh borrowings during that period were used to settle existing debts.
Concluding remarks
The celebration referred to in the article seems to be that of the Central Bank operated under the Monetary Law Act (MLA) since 28 August 1950 until 13 September 2023. The present Central Bank of Sri Lanka is the world’s newest central bank that was established on 14 September 2023 under the Central Bank of Sri Lanka Act, No. 16 of 2023 which repealed the MLA ,which is to celebrated its second anniversary in September this year.
However, the said public lecture is really an insight into how those who governed the Central Bank under the MLA caused the catastrophe to the economy and living standards during its last years of operations despite their public mandates.
The Central Bank under the MLA was the monetary policymaker, public debt manager, fiscal agent, fiscal adviser, banker to the government, country’s foreign reserve manager, exchange rate manager and bank regulator supported by a wide range of public policy powers granted by the MLA for the overall statutory objective of maintaining the economic and price stability and financial system stability of the country financed by discretionary money printing as determined by a handful of central bank managers. This is the only institution in the county that does not encounter financing constraints for its operations. Therefore, the Central Bank has been so generous even to borrow through ISBs in 2019 to create a buffer for the next government predicted by the Central Bank on prevailing political circumstances.
Therefore, in reading through relevant provisions of the MLA and events that led to the crisis, there is no doubt that the crisis was the singular outcome of the gross failure and negligence of the managers of the Central Bank on their public policy duties especially after 2015.
For any investigation on the crisis if it were to commence, the Exter Report along with subsequent amendments made to the MLA from time to time would be a necessary source of information. In addition, two paragraphs are noted below from Mr. John Exter’s message sent to the 25th Anniversary Commemorative Volume of the Central Bank, who alerted a difficult period of next 25 years and beyond for the Central Bank.
Until we do the investigation and resolve the monetary and economic structure of the country to be capable of mobilizing resources and opportunities for higher living standards targeted in next 50 years, the present crisis may never end as the monetary system will be governed by those of the network macroeconomic thoughts connected to the contents of the Daily Mirror article as revealed at present. Therefore, what we should be interested in are only the capable systems and not artificially created images of specific persons and institutions.
Otherwise, the crisis will continue as the single source of the country’s political instability created by leaders struggling for the power through false promises made for recovering the economy and people from the crisis without knowing real causes and effective recovery measures.
Finally, contents of the Daily Mirror article show how the economy and people of Sri Lanka were trapped in the global network of IMF and financial investors and firm signals of its persistence despite the change in the hands of national leaders.
(This article is released in the interest of participating in the professional dialogue to find out solutions to present economic crisis confronted by the general public consequent to the global Corona pandemic, subsequent economic disruptions and shocks both local and global and policy failures. All are personal views of the author based on his research in the subject of Economics which have no intension to personally or maliciously discredit characters of any individuals.)
P Samarasiri
Former Deputy Governor, Central Bank of Sri Lanka
(Former Director of Bank Supervision, Assistant Governor, Secretary to the Monetary Board and Compliance Officer of the Central Bank, Former Chairman of the Sri Lanka Accounting and Auditing Standards Board and Credit Information Bureau, Former Chairman and Vice Chairman of the Institute of Bankers of Sri Lanka, Former Member of the Securities and Exchange Commission and Insurance Regulatory Commission and the Author of 13 Economics and Banking Books and a large number of articles published.)
March 17, Colombo (LNW): He spent his childhood in Mauritius and South Africa. He then attended school in Sri Lanka at Trinity College, Kandy. He began his rugby career with the Up-Country Lions team, sponsored by the then Sports Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage. He later played for CR & FC before joining the Kandy team.
Nigel Ratwatte rose to prominence after joining the Kandy team. He was also the Kandy captain for the 2021-2022 season. Nigel, who had been associated with Kandy as well as the national rugby team for over a decade, showed his mettle in this rugby season as well, playing a pivotal role in securing victory for Kandy, he bid farewell to the sport, marking the end of an illustrious rugby career.
In his farewell match, Kandy Sports Club secured a commanding 50-24 victory over Havelocks. Fittingly, the final try that pushed Kandy’s lead from 45 to 50 was scored by none other than Nigel Ratwatte, donning the iconic number 10 jersey. These photos capture the moment his preparation, the decisive run, and the try itself. Congratulations to Nigel on a remarkable farewell, sealing his team’s triumph with a final, unforgettable touch!
March 18, Colombo (LNW): Imthiaz Bakeer Markar, the Chairman of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), has resigned from his position and all other responsibilities within the party.
In a move that has surprised many, Markar submitted his resignation letter directly to the party leader and the Secretary General earlier today.
March 14, Colombo (LNW): The Sports Minister was asked a question regarding rugby in front of sports journalists. Since it was a question aimed at me and he did not listen to my answer and said that he knew these things from discussions he had with various sports administrations for months during the election period, it is worth noting these facts publicly because Malik Samarawickrama’s interest in the rugby union is currently being discussed in a similar way to Namal’s interest regarding the constitutional change in the game of rugby.
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s name has now been associated with this matter as well. During Harini Amarasuriya’s tenure as Prime Minister, the National Sports Council appointed only a chairman. This chairman, who served as the Chief Executive Officer of the administration, proposed that the £50,000 fine be covered using funds generated by international rugby for the development of Sri Lankan rugby a move that faced significant criticism. Additionally, greater influence has been given to rugby representatives within the National Sports Council, including Rohan Abeykoon, a businessman involved in the sports industry.
We have no objection to the Chairman of the National Sports Council, Rohan’s involvement in rugby, or other rugby-related matters. However, the Sports Minister’s moral and legal delegation of these responsibilities to them is reminiscent of Namal Rajapaksa’s display of political force utterly disregarding sports law, past mistakes, and ethical considerations. Furthermore, it is deeply regrettable that the two-thirds popular vote is being misinterpreted as a personal mandate for the Sports Minister to act as he pleases, rather than as a directive to serve the true interests of the sport.
‘If you say CR, do you know rugby? Or if you say East, do you know?’ this was the question posed to me by the Sports Minister. CR is a sports club, whereas East is not a single club but a representation of a province where sports clubs of all levels are established. The minister argued that the constitution should be changed, claiming it puts such provincial sports clubs at a disadvantage. However, it is worth noting that most past presidents have come from these very sports clubs. This has only changed once something that can be easily verified. The reason behind it is that, at the time, funds meant for the development of rugby in the country were instead used to pay fines for mistakes made by those in charge. This not only weakened the existence of small sports clubs but also steered rugby administration toward political agendas, ultimately leading to massive debts.
The Sports Minister has paid little attention to these matters. However, after the Prime Minister stepped away from the Sports Ministry, the newly appointed Minister significantly delayed confirming the Chairman of the National Sports Council, whom she had appointed. During this period, there were instances where the President publicly asked Priyantha Ekanayake, ‘Priyantha, how are things going?’
Following this, the current Minister eventually handed Priyantha Ekanayake his appointment letter, while also involving Malik’s name along with the President’s to it. These developments have become a frequent topic of discussion at CR Sports Club nights.
What is the status of those sports clubs? These are being maintained as businesses with special tax breaks from the government. Sometimes these sports clubs have other important sports assignments other than rugby. Therefore, the extent to which these sports clubs, which are maintained with tax breaks to make economic profits due to the reduction in funds coming to international development, is not known. They were maintained by small teams in that province.
Why are small teams important? The Sports Minister should assess how many talented rugby players emerge from Colombo schools each year. It is the small sports clubs that take on the crucial role of keeping these players engaged in rugby. When Sri Lanka’s funds were used to pay the £50,000 fine, it was these small clubs that felt the impact the most. Not only in Colombo but also in places outside Colombo, those who are keen on rugby are being provided with a good sports club because there are provincial associations. It does not seem that the Sports Minister is discussing these.
The Minister is acting as if he is interested in cutting pounds of meat and giving them to those sports clubs. If it were not for the cases in the courts, the Sports Minister has already allocated pounds of meat.
Just like when you ask about East, if you ask about Western, all the groups within the Provincial Association like CR, CH, Havelocks are represented by Western.
If this issue cannot be resolved within the realm of sports, the best course of action now is to understand it politically. Rugby, a game meant to be played across all four corners of the country, must not be placed under the control of a select few. If that happens, this government will fail to uplift the sport in rural areas and, in turn, hinder the nation’s progress toward shared prosperity. The burden of this historical mistake will ultimately fall on those who elected a government with a mix of proletarian ideals only to see it strip away the rights of people in underprivileged regions to play rugby. The advice and blessings that a minister receives, working within a framework of who to ask, come from the group he has decided to approve of what he says. The truth that needs to be known is different. Rather than asking what the truth is, it is asking who the people are.
The minister, who thinks he has learned the game from his small experiences during the election season, turns his back on other reasonable and justifiable points, instead of relying on the experiences he has gained from those experiences.
The format of rugby should be set up in such a way that rugby flourishes everywhere in the country. The minister thinks that it is not necessary to play hard, but that rugby should be written off as a free game for the rich who have money and tax facilities to have fun, and according to the constitution that is blessing it, it would be important to understand the practical situation, hold elections and allow the elected authorities to talk to the world about rugby in Sri Lanka. Now, the performances that are being made behind the scenes, even ignoring the decisions of the courts in Sri Lanka, are showing treachery. Put aside those treachery and think again about the future of rugby in the world.
March 18, Colombo (LNW): The Disaster Management Centre (DMC) has issued an island-wide incident summary today, reporting a series of fatalities and damages caused by various natural disasters between March 10 and 13.
Four individuals from the Moneragala, Anuradhapura, and Hambantota districts tragically lost their lives in separate elephant attacks.
In total, seven people have been killed in the past few days, with additional fatalities recorded in Galle and Puttalam due to drowning and falling trees.
Furthermore, 214 individuals from 60 families across ten districts have been directly affected by the recent adverse weather conditions.
The DMC highlighted that two individuals sustained injuries in Jaffna due to high winds, while significant damage was reported to homes. Forty-six houses across six districts, including Ratnapura, Kegalle, Jaffna, Trincomalee, Anuradhapura, and Galle, have sustained partial damage, with 15 homes in Ratnapura being the most affected.
Additionally, one house in Jaffna was completely destroyed due to the strong winds.
Fortunately, no residents have been relocated to temporary shelters or safe houses at this stage.
The DMC also issued a warning to those living downstream of the Ulhitiya Ratkinda, Kala Wewa, and Rajanganaya reservoirs, as heavy rainfall has led to the opening of several spill gates.
The gates of the Ulhitiya Ratkinda Reservoir have been raised by four feet, and those of the Kala Wewa and Rajanganaya reservoirs by two feet, causing a rapid rise in water levels.
Authorities have advised the public to remain vigilant and exercise caution in these areas.
In terms of infrastructure, the DMC has announced the reopening of one lane at the 12th-mile post along the Ella-Wellawaya road, which had been temporarily closed due to a minor landslide.
From today, this road will remain open to vehicle traffic 24 hours a day. However, the Dematawalhinna road on the Hali-Ela route has been temporarily closed for a few days due to similar landslide risks.
