Indian Naval Ship ‘Khanjar’, an indigenously built Missile Corvette of Khukri-class, is scheduled to visit Trincomalee from 29-31 July 2023.
2. The Commanding Officer of the Indian Naval Ship, Commander NVS Phani Kumar will be calling on Commander Eastern Naval Area. Further, various professional interactions will be conducted on VBSS, Gunnery and Missile Operations. A reception is planned to be hosted onboard for senior officials from Military and Civil administration. Post departure a Maritime Partnership Exercise with Sri Lanka Navy Ship off Trincomalee is also planned on 31 July 2023.
3. In order to further people-to-people connect and familiarize the people with Indian Navy and its capabilities, the ship will be open for a visit by school children. In addition, public will have the opportunity to visit the ship on 30 July 2023 at Trincomalee Port. The ship will also carry out a Yoga Session, Beach Cleaning and Special School in Trincomalee.
4. The visit of the Indian Naval Ship Khanjar, a Khukri-Class Corvette, is also significant in view of the potential for cooperation between India and Sri Lanka for augmenting capabilities of Sri Lanka Navy for efficiently addressing shared challenges for maritime security in the region.
5. It may be recalled that Indian Naval Submarine Vagir had earlier visited Colombo from 19-22 Jun 2023 for celebrating the International Day of Yoga (IDY-2023). Visits by Indian Navy vessels to Sri Lanka further strengthen the camaraderie and interoperability between the Navies of the two neighbours, in keeping with India’s SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) doctrine and ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy.
AHRC: The debate on how important caste consciousness is in Sri Lanka today and whether class consciousness has replaced caste consciousness requires that we briefly examine the the beginnings of capitalism in Sri Lanka, as well as the introduction of certain liberal approaches to the administration of the country during the Western colonial period, in particular, during the time of the British colonial administration.
Fortunately, there is a now available a vast body of literature about the emergence of a class of persons who took the opportunities opened up during the colonial period to acquire various amounts of wealth and become not only an influential economic group but also a prominent social class in Sri Lanka. Books such as ‘Nobodies to Somebodies: The Rise of the Colonial Bourgeoisie in Sri Lanka’ by Kumari Jayawardena and “Sri Lankan Subordinates of the British: English Educated Ceylonese in Official Life 1865-1883” by W.M.D.D. Andradi are two examples of the many other books and articles that document the emergence of this new class. There are now even YouTube presentations about this class of persons. These presentations have resulted in creating a rather lively debate about the background and development of the families who became members of that relatively rich economic class and influential social group. These families at a later time, i.e. particularly after Independence in 1948, also played a prominent role in political developments. Our interest here is on the wealth of information that is now available on these developments, which throw light on issues related to the development of a social consciousness, not only among those newly emergent political elites but in the country as a whole.
The argument that is often used to stress the importance of class over caste is that among those who became part of this newly rich and socially significant group, there was a significant group of persons who were earlier considered as belonging to the lower castes. For example, a small section of persons from the Karawa caste (fisher folk), due to opportunities that opened up for trade in liquor, were able to amass a substantial amount of wealth that enabled them to gain some sort of social prominence. They acted as if they had acquired the same class interest as the other groups that had found ways to make substantial sums of money.
However, before the British established their rule overall of Sri Lanka in 1815, for over 10 centuries, there had been a continuous period of caste based social organisation in Sri Lanka. The two basic principles on which that social organisation was based on was the prohibition against social mobility and uneven and disproportionate punishment. The entire social order and the social consciousness of the caste based society during this period were founded on these two draconian principles. The questions regarding to what degree the newly emergent ‘capitalist’ class abandoned these two principles and whether any new social consciousness emerged out of these principles, are the measures to assess whether caste consciousness was erased or weakened and whether to what extent it was replaced by class consciousness. A further question is: what kind of class consciousness did this newly formed power group bring to the country?
These issues are not merely of academic interest. Today, when the country is in the midst of its worst economic downturn in history, the question that is often asked in almost all debates, is how did Sri Lanka get into this enormous abyss that resulted in extreme wide scale poverty and disorder. What invariably comes up during such discussions is the link between the newly emergent ‘capitalist’ class in Sri Lanka and its responsibility for the present catastrophic situation. There is almost unanimous agreement that this capitalist class has played a very visible role in causing those conditions which have brought the country to the present impasse to develop. However, what needs to also be discussed is why this ‘new capitalist class’ was unable to play a dynamic role to transform the country into an economy that has vitality. These days, there are comparisons with countries in the neighbourhood in Asia and elsewhere which in 1948 were in many ways in relatively worse conditions than Sri Lanka was at the time of Independence, but which today are in a much better position from the point of view of both economic development and also in regard to the improvement of the people’s lives. At the time of Independence, Sri Lanka ranked quite high in its social index and was even considered by some as having the possibility of providing an example of a country that could become a model economically, as well as politically, from the point of view of achievements in terms of democracy, the rule of law, and the well-being of the people. The key questions that remain at large are as to whether ‘the new capitalist class’ was responsible for this failure and if so, why did they choose to go in that direction.
The above questions are related not merely to economic policies, but also about questions of social consciousness. Entrenched habits that affected social consciousness, which were a product of 10 continuous centuries of repeated social behaviour habits remained part of the baggage that was carried by this new class of people, as well as the people in the country as a whole. The new capitalist class was unable to provide a dynamic leadership to uplift the country by promoting capacities for entrepreneurship, which would have brought a new life into multiple forms of economic activities for which there was a great potential within the country.
In short, the new capitalist class did not have the imagination to fulfil the role of developing Sri Lanka into a modern economy, as well as a modern system of governance. It is in looking for an explanation for the failure of the emergence of such an imagination that we find the continuous influence of the previous social consciousness that persisted, which has its roots in the long centuries during which caste was the basis of all social and economic relationships.
The impact of caste based principles as a retarding factor on the development of the imagination of Sri Lankans
The prohibition against social mobility is an enormously effective retarding factor in the development of social consciousness. In fact, the maintenance of this caste principle requires that the majority of the population, who were classified as lesser human beings – the Sinhala common term was Kula-heena (less in caste) – had to adjust their minds so that they could accept the limitations that were imposed on them. Were they to resist those imposed restrictions, they would be subjected to the practices rooted in the other principle, which was uneven and disproportionate punishment. The two principles were tied together. The constant and continuous application of these two principles created the type of mind that subconsciously accepted submissions to all the limitations imposed on them. The oppressed and the oppressor alike were both trapped by the same social rules. No room or space was allowed to think outside these rules. In that context, to think within the box meant to think within the limitations imposed by the rules on which the caste system was maintained.
Although during the period of Western influence, particularly the British influence, some headway was made in undermining the principle of the prohibition against social mobility and also that of uneven and disproportionate punishment, the kind of colonial economic engagement of these foreign powers in Sri Lanka was not capable of transforming Sri Lanka into a dynamic modern capitalist State. This of course is to be expected. The colonial masters introduced a certain number of new economic enterprises and also accompanying administrative measures with the limited interest of ensuring their own advantage. The particular forms of economic enterprises that were developed, such as coffee and tea plantations, and the creation of facilities to obtain the benefits of these enterprises, such as roads, and other modes of transport and related matters, as well as the requisite mercantile activities were of a limited nature. These colonial practices and policies were related to feeding the needs of the industrial revolution in their own country.
Educational developments during the colonial period did have some limited impact on weakening the effect of the above mentioned two principles of the caste based society. The schools provided opportunities, though to a limited extent, which did not hitherto exist in Sri Lanka. Those who acquired some wealth were also able to go to Europe, particularly to England, to further their professional education and become doctors, lawyers, engineers, accountants and other professionals and for those individuals who benefitted, and this did result in a certain limited weakening of what had been an absolute prohibition against social mobility.
The introduction of a legal system based mostly on the common law traditions of the United Kingdom and before that certain legal traditions which came to be known as the Roman Dutch law, in an abstract sense introduced certain universal principles based on the principle of equality before the law. This principle was completely unknown on the Island prior to the introduction of those principles of equality. While during a very early period, usually known as the “Anuradha Pura” period, there was a certain universality of moral and ethical principles which was mostly based on Buddhist social principles, these were not the same as the laws that were introduced as a result of the Western influence. These earlier moral principles that had universal applications would have nurtured much more respect for human beings as human beings. However, the principles of universality during an earlier stage of history were not alien to Sri Lanka.
However, sometime in the 8th and 9th Centuries Anno Domini, the caste system was introduced and became the foundational framework for all social organisation in Sri Lanka. From then on, by a gradual process, any ideas about the universality of the principles of equality and fairness relating to human beings were suppressed. ‘Graded’ humanity became the core principle and there was no room for any kind of recognition of the equality of human beings.
In modern times, through the study of the histories of many countries, there is a growing, greater awareness of how not only a person’s mind, but also how the social conditions could be created by the repeated practice of various forms of repression of the people. The histories of slave systems have revealed an enormous amount of details of how adept and robust human beings could be made submissive and forced to agree to do whatever menial task was assigned to them by a process of, on the one hand, the deprivation of food and on the other, by disproportionate and harsh punishments. There are many other forms of repression such as apartheid in South Africa, where a minority of persons imposed draconian punishments and limitations on a vast number of black people. These kinds of oppression have lasted for long periods of time. The feminist movements have revealed the manner in which women were oppressed by various ways in systems of patriarchy. The struggle for women’s equality is a marked feature of our time, but it still remains a formidable task to suppress the obstacles which are against such assertions of the equality of all persons. As a result, in many countries, women do not have basic rights and socially and economically are still treated as being inferior.
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, in his brilliant work on these areas, has demonstrated that caste is a much worse form of oppression than even slavery. A slave owner had to buy his slaves and he would use them as a means of producing wealth for himself. In order to do this, he had to maintain the slave by providing him with adequate food and meet his or her basic needs so that the slave would be in a condition to work for the benefit of the master. If the slave died or was weak, part of the master’s wealth was lost. This was like a cattle owner losing his cattle. Even to that minimum extent, the slave owner considered it in his own interest to keep the slave alive and healthy. Besides this, there was also the principle that if the slave owner wanted, he could free the slave and thereby the slave would become a free person. In the case of caste, both these options are absent. Whether a person in the so called “lower” castes existed or died was not a matter of concern for the so called “upper” castes. No obligations were owed by the members of the “upper castes” to the members of the “lower” castes. The obligations between the master and servant, the employer and employee did not exist within these caste relationships. The caste relationship was one of absolute obedience and whether some form of remuneration would be paid or not depended entirely on the individual master and there was no set of obligations or rights agreed upon by the society.
These brief considerations of a vast subject about which there is a great amount of research material, are only to engage in a discussion of how the imagination gets retarded when for nearly 10 centuries people live within a severely restricted social environment. These draconian principles of neglect and suppression were the norm that created the social consciousness of a particular society.
Approach to competition
In a caste based society, competition was prohibited to the persons in the so called ‘lower’ castes on the basis of the oppression due to the absolute prohibition against social mobility. Competition implies the right for a person to improve oneself. However, the caste principle was to ensure that a person remained within one’s fixed position and way of life, and also to ensure that the rigid immobility was transmitted to future generations. Making efforts to improve oneself would only be allowed within the assigned task for that particular caste group. For example, a person could be a mason, a carpenter, a scavenger, and he/she was allowed to improve what he/she was doing in that occupation. But, his/her efforts would never allow him/her to cross his/her caste boundary. The natural result was that there was not much of an incentive to compete or to improve oneself.
Another approach to controlling competition was to deny education to the so called ‘lesser’ humans. This of course was the most effective way by which competitiveness can be controlled. It ensures the existence of a large mass of people who are capable only of one or other form of physical labour. The challenge that could potentially arise from a child from an economically worse off background posing a threat to those who are enjoying privileges did not arise in this way.
Two stories from Indian literature illustrate this aspect. One is the story of Shambuka. Shambuka was from a “low caste” origin. It was strictly forbidden for the lower castes to read the Hindu Shastras – the sacred books. They did not even have access to these books. However, in some way, Shambuka managed to find these books and secretly read and master them. One of the arts that he mastered was the art of the yogis. By the control of the breath, yogis were able to do amazing things such as hanging from a tree in the posture of bats and they would stay that way for long periods of time. There were yogis who had mastered that art and in particular areas, they used to engage in this practice. Shambuka who had also mastered this ability, was in the habit of practicing it.
It is said that during this time, a senior Brahmin lost one of his teenage sons. It is also said that he took the body of his dead son and walked to the house of the leader of the Brahmins, Rama. The senior Brahmin complained to Rama that some curse has befallen them in their midst and that that is how one of their children could die in that way. He said that there must be somebody who had entered into the arena that belongs to them and that that was the cause of his misfortune. He asked Rama to set out to find out who the intruder was and to destroy him. It is said that Rama went looking for this person in his special vehicle, bringing with him a mighty weapon given to him by the gods. Rama went on enquiring about all those who were engaged in such exercises as based on yogic practice and also asked for their genealogy. The way to determine who was Brahmin was through his genealogy. All the persons that Rama questioned were able to narrate a long history of their ancestors and Rama was satisfied of their credibility. Then, he came to Shambuka. When Shambuka was asked about his genealogy, he very humbly replied, “Sir, I don’t have such a genealogy. I am a person born to a low caste and I acquired these skills by my own efforts”. He expected that this would be appreciated. Instead, Rama took his mighty weapon and slew him immediately. And, it is then further said that the gods came down and praised Rama for his great deed.
The second story is about Ekalavya, the “low caste” archer. The following poem presents the basic facts of this story.
“Ekalavya the low-caste archer
Art of the arrow
Can’t be borrowed
From guru to guru
The law said in a narrow line
This be imparted
He was young
Of eternal laws ignorant
Dreamed day and night
To be a swift dispatcher of arrows
To heaven and to hell
Not for us my son
This art
For Vedas has made us low caste
Archery is for the higher caste
Suffering for the lower caste
Mother told the boy
Besides gurus’ demand Dakshina
Only rich can give
Those who steal knowledge
They do not forgive
Mother told the boy
From afar the boy watched
Hiding often in trees
How the guru taught his boy
Secretly doing the same
Oh what a joy
Soon it was simple play
Every move he could display
An image of the guru
Of wood he made
Before playing prayed
Once when meditating
Heard a dog barking
Sent a small arrow
To where the noise was
Lightly closing the dog’s jaws
The guru and the trainee prince were passing
Marvelled at what they were seeing
Was some god in jest
Their hard learning belittling
Guru sadly wondered
Looking around saw a boy praying
Before an image so like his
The guru in a flash saw what was happening
“If I be your guru
My Dakshina now give”, he demanded
Money and gold I have none
Great sir, but even my life
I will give to learn from you
The art of the arrow
The unwise boy said
For generations learned in cunning
The guru smiled promising
“Your left thumb be the Dakshina
In exchange I will teach
The art of the arrow.”
Swiftly guru gave the knife
Swiftly the boy obeyed
The thumb he accepted,
And quickly he departed
Having protected his art
Old tale here ends
But may I add
If I was that lad
A different end
This tale would have had.
Though the stories are of Indian origin, the principles contained in those two stories are fundamental to maintaining the rigid hierarchy in a social organisation based on caste. Sri Lanka was such a society for more than 10 centuries. The deep impressions that were created in the psyche, in the mind, as well as in consciousness of the people, and which have been reinforced through such long social practices, have remained very firm. Removing these deep scars requires very conscious intellectual movements as well as consciousness raising education and the sharing of the various levels of awareness and discussions of options, together with developing social and political organisations, particularly at times of economic and political upheavals that are capable of uprooting and removing from the people’s consciousness, the backward thought patterns of everyone in the society.
Entrepreneurship, initiative and creativity
One of the disturbing revelations about Sri Lanka’s economic problems is the collapse of so many small and medium sized businesses, including those in the manufacturing industries, as well as service enterprises. While there may be many factors contributing to causing this, the absence of a culture which encourages initiative, creativity, and the spirit of enterprise also plays a significant role in affecting these businesses.
In regard to this phenomenon, once again, we return to the basic principle of the prohibition against social mobility and the role it plays in retarding the spirit of initiative, creativity and enterprise.
Entrepreneurship requires the inculcation of habits of management, the consideration of material factors and the responses of human beings as well as the re-arrangement of social relationships to enable the security needed for the practice of various types of trades and commerce and creativity, new inventions and also developing new models of organising exchanges and the like. These habits do not come about overnight. It takes a long period of time in a favourable environment to create new inventions and once a new invention comes into existence, the freedom of reflection and criticism is required in order to make further developments of those inventions or breakthroughs so as to create new inventions. Thus, the making of inventions is the product of ongoing criticism, reflections and conversations. When any new invention is closely studied, it would reveal a very long history over many decades or even over many centuries of development which are subjected to ever more complicated developments over time.
It is only in a highly interactive society that enjoys inter-related social relationships that can provide a suitable, favourable environment for the development of various enterprises, especially new enterprises. In such a favourable environment, there is both the encouragement of initiatives and an appreciation for creativity and originality. Such a society also provides opportunities for those who are willing to experiment, to think afresh and to try new things in order to improve economic and social capacities. An environment that provides encouragement and appreciation to persons provides them with psychological support that is an essential element for the development of various efforts which can give rise to the development of various enterprises, small or big. This in turn will also create opportunities for many other persons to earn their livelihoods and to overcome past patterns of poverty and deprivation that have prevailed in societies for a long time.
For the reasons set out above, caste based societies create an environment which contradicts the circumstances and prevents the development of the environment described in the previous paragraph. Caste based societies maintain negative attitudes in regard to taking up initiatives, have various ways of impeding creative efforts, as well as placing obstacles in the way of persons taking the initiative to develop various forms of enterprise. Every such attempt to do something new or different is considered as entering into forbidden territories. This sense of a forbidden territory creates not only physical boundaries, but also psychological confines.
People tell each other that they should not cross the boundaries assigned to them, or as it is more frequently expressed, they should know their place. There are a thousand ways of reminding people what their ‘place’ is. A whole culture has developed that uses various kinds of linguistic expressions, gestures, as well as openly repressive methods that are used to ‘remind’ people not to embark on new ventures and not to try to do things that may create conflicts which may result in violence.
Violence is a key aspect of that second draconian principle on which the caste based society is rooted. Any small differences or views, or even some simple expressions that are disliked by another person could easily end up in quarrels, physical violence, and even murder.
In such a caste based society, people subconsciously, or even unconsciously, develop certain perceptions or fears when interacting with others. In such a situation, a critical spirit of enquiry and exchanges of views cannot develop spontaneously. People even fear spontaneity. The reason for that fear is the concern about what kind of violent reactions might develop even when making a simple joke. Instead of a simple disagreement of views, things would often turn to the use of abusive language, or even worse, shouting insults and using other types of provocations that may easily end up in violence or create long term misunderstandings or even enmities.
In such a social environment, people do not trust each other. Distrust has become a very common social attitude and way of relating to others. Being over careful of what to say and what to do, purely because of the fear that it might lead to misunderstandings and possible violence, has become quite a normal way of life.
Naturally, in these circumstances, the freedoms of speech, association, and assembly are looked upon with suspicion. Being overcautious in expressing any view or organising any project has become part of the habitual way of thinking and acting. This results in the further suppression of creativity.
In such circumstances, creativity is easily suppressed and in place of rational and creative discourses, quarrelsome speech and provocative behaviour have become the norm and act as barriers to the enhancement of refined methods of social discourse.
The cumulative effect of all these factors is the retardation of a person’s intellect, of a person’s creative facilities and also the restraint of any enterprising spirit that a person may have. All these elements contribute to retarding the development of the economic and social potential of a society. Unfortunately, the Sri Lankan situation at present perfectly exemplifies this type of retarded mental development that has come down from past habits which were formed by caste based social relationships.
Just before the Prague Spring in 1968, when the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia seemed briefly to relax, Milan Kundera managed to publish a novel about a joke. The joke, sent by a young man to a girlfriend on a postcard, read: “Optimism is the opium of the people! A ‘healthy’ atmosphere stinks of stupidity! Long live Trotsky!” It landed the young man in a lot of trouble.
The novel, his first, sold well. But when later that year Soviet tanks rolled in, forcing his country back into line, “The Joke” disappeared from bookshops. He himself was kicked out of the Communist Party (he had been expelled before, in 1950, for being critical, but had reapplied) and was fired from his lecturer’s job at the Academy of Fine Arts. Since no one was now allowed to employ him, he played dance gigs in the taverns of mining towns. Eventually, though, there was nothing doing in Czechoslovakia, so he and his wife Vera left for France, and stayed.
In retrospect, writing “The Joke” had been a bad decision. But it was good at the time. That was life. You had only one, with no second or third chances to take a different course. His novels were full of characters struggling, like him, to unpick the past, predict the future and, on the basis of that, jump the right way. In the most famous of them, “The Unbearable Lightness of Being”, the protagonist Tomas first appeared standing at a window, ruminating. Should he invite the lovely bartender Tereza to his room, or not? Would he get too involved? If so, how would he get out of it? After spending the night with her, the questions only multiplied.
Tomas, like his creator, made a bad (or good) decision to defy the party. He lost his post as a surgeon and became a window cleaner. He also decided, for good or bad, to stay with Tereza. But all through the novel he had wrestled with his creator’s favourite theme, the weighing of opposites. The Greek philosopher Parmenides had stated, in particular, that lightness was positive and heaviness negative. Lightness was the realm of the soul, space, separateness and freedom; heaviness was to be earth-and-body-bound, rule-bound and constricted. Clear enough.
But not so fast. Lightness also made both history and life insubstantial, airy as a feather, the happenings of a day. It justified betrayal, irresponsibility and breaking ranks (as he from the party), where heaviness stressed duty and obedience. Most important, lightness was about forgetting, and heaviness insisted on remembrance. What was the self, but the sum of memories? In “The Book of Laughter and Forgetting” the heroine, Tamina, clung constantly to the memory of her dead husband even when making love with other men. Was that a good or a bad thing?
The question applied especially to Czechoslovakia, in its highly vulnerable position on the map. How could it survive without remembering its past great men, Hus, Comenius, Janacek, Kafka, or without the language they had spoken? Memory gave it identity, and gave Czechs themselves the only power they had against the states that oppressed them. In 1967 Mr Kundera appealed to fellow-writers to seize the moment with their pens. But he still resisted the thought of enclosing cultures within borders. Borders between ideas were there to be crossed.
In Paris after 1975, living in an attic flat on the rue Récamier, feasting on frogs’ legs and eventually writing a trio of novels in French, it seemed to him that notions of “home” and “roots” might be as illusory as the rest of life. His Czech citizenship had been revoked and, though he still mostly spoke Czech, he was almost indifferent when, in 2019, he got it back. Like Goethe, he saw literature becoming global and himself as a citizen of the world.
He had been one for a long time. His youthful reading was mostly French: Baudelaire and Rimbaud, but especially Rabelais and Diderot. French wit and experiment wonderfully foiled the socialist realism imposed on art and literature by the post-war Soviet regime. He fed it into his writing to defy the kitsch all around him. Sadly, it was kitsch he had fallen for himself when, at 18, he eagerly joined the party: all those heavy, emotional images of wheatsheaves, mothers and babes, hero-workers brandishing spanners, the glowing brotherhood of man. He saw himself as a knife-blade, cutting through the sweetish rose-tinted lies to show the shit—and the mystery—beneath.
Because truth was mysterious. And novels were a wide-open territory of play and hypotheses where he could question the world as a whole: digressively like Sterne in “Tristram Shandy”, or adventurously, like Cervantes’s Don Quixote. No answers, questions only; answers (in advance) were what kitsch provided. He played with philosophical musings, psychological analysis, investigations of misunderstood words, irony, eroticism and dreams. It could make a mish-mash for readers, especially Anglophone ones, and no other novel did as well as “Unbearable Lightness”, though “Laughter and Forgetting” and “Immortality” sold respectably. The Nobel talk came to nothing, and he was glad, because he preferred reclusive delving to any sort of fame.
He liked to call his novels “polyphonic”: a word learned from his father, a concert pianist and musicologist. The many voices, parts and motifs in his work were united by “novelistic counterpoint” into a single music. His chief hero in the enterprise was Janacek, whose photo hung beside his father’s in the Paris flat: a composer who had refused to write by the rules but made directly for the heart of things. He doubted he himself had got anywhere close. Since the world couldn’t be stopped in its headlong rush, it was best just to laugh at it. The devil laughed, because he knew life had no meaning; the angels, as they flew over, laughed too, knowing what the meaning was.
As a child he often sat at the piano playing two chords fortissimo, C minor to F minor, until his father furiously removed him. But as those chords became heavier he felt himself grow lighter until, in a moment of ecstasy, he seemed to float free of time. If that was unbearable lightness, he—and many others—spent an awful lot of their brief, insignificant lives trying to find it again. ■
This article appeared in the Obituary section of the print edition under the headline “When angels laugh”
Colombo (LNW): Sri Lanka was looking to explore new areas of cooperation with Egypt as the countries sought to take bilateral relations to ‘the next level,’ a top foreign ministry official said on Thursday.
To prepare the ground for revisiting existing agreements and consolidating ties, the two nations held consultations in Colombo last week, with Sri Lanka’s State Minister of Foreign Affairs Tharaka Balasuriya and Egypt’s Assistant Minister for Asian Affairs Ayman Kamel co-chairing the sessions.
Mohammed Jauhar, additional secretary for Africa at the Sri Lankan Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said there were “many unexplored areas of cooperation” between the countries and those discussed during the consultations included judicial and legal matters, maritime transport, youth and sports, defense, and cooperation in the apparel industry.
“We have a longstanding bilateral relationship between the two countries, and we could take them to new heights if we are able to implement the proposals made at the recent bilateral talks in Colombo,” he said.
“Relations are to be elevated to the next level in all areas, including in economic and trade cooperation.”
Sri Lanka and Egypt have also discussed working together on global issues such as climate change, food security, and debt restructuring.
“State minister Balasuriya emphasized the importance of deepening the engagement in political and economic cooperation and in the cultural sphere,” the Sri Lankan Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement.
Egypt was the first Arab country to open an embassy in Sri Lanka in 1957, and relations between the two nations flourished in the 1950s and 1960s, when both were involved in the Non-Aligned Movement.
The second session of bilateral consultations between the Foreign Ministries of Sri Lanka and Egypt concluded successfully in Colombo on 19 July 2023.
The consultations focused on a range of areas of bilateral cooperation including economic and trade cooperation, the current economic recovery process, investment and tourism promotion, people-to-people exchanges, and multilateral cooperation.
The two sides agreed to enter into agreements in new areas of cooperation and to revisit the existing agreements with a view to consolidating collaboration in the respective areas.
State Minister Balasuriya emphasized the importance of deepening the engagement in political and economic cooperation and in the cultural sphere.
Assistant Minister Ayman Kamel also stressed the importance of business to business contact and revitalizing the business council. The Egyptian side acknowledged the growing investments by Sri Lankan companies in Egypt.
The two sides reaffirmed mutual interest in continuing to work closely in multilateral fora including on global issues such as climate change issues, food security and debt restructuring.
Underscoring the significance of the 65th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Egypt and Sri Lanka, both countries expressed interest in celebrating the occasion.
Colombo (LNW): Sri Lanka invited Japan to resume investment in projects including power, roads and ports as the Japanese foreign minister wrapped up the first high-level visit to the crisis-hit country on Saturday in nearly four years.
Sri Lanka Foreign Minister Ali Sabry said his country was seeking Japanese investment in sectors such as power, infrastructure and dedicated investment zones, as well as in the green and digital economies.
He made this disclosure after his meeting with Japanese Foreign Minister Hayashi Yoshimasa yesterday at the conclusion of his visit to the island nation.
We are confident that Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, which has made a promising start, and future growth prospects will provide us with greater opportunities to enhance the Japan-Sri Lanka relationship,” Sabry told a news conference.
He was joined by Japanese Foreign Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi, who is in Colombo as part of a multi-country diplomatic tour including India, South Africa, Uganda, Ethiopia and the Maldives.
“I conveyed my expectations for further progress in the debt restructuring process and stressed the importance of a transparent and comparable debt restructuring that involves all creditor countries,” Hayashi said.
Japanese Foreign Minister Hayashi Yoshimasa paid a courtesy call to President Ranil Wickremesinghe in Colombo on Saturday morning noting that President Wickremesinghe visited Japan twice during his first year in office symbolizes the deepening bilateral relationship between the two countries.
He also expressed his hope for further progress in the debt restructuring process and underscored the importance of a transparent and comparable debt restructuring that involves all creditor countries.
President Wickremesinghe vowed to take utmost care to ensure the transparency and comparability of the debt restructuring and reiterated his appreciation for Japan’s contribution to the discussions on debt restructuring.
Minister Yoshimasa stated that Japan attaches great importance to cooperation with the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), which Sri Lanka will chair from October. In response, President Wickremesinghe welcomed Japan’s proactive contribution as the IORA chair.
The two sides also candidly exchanged views on bilateral relations, regional situations including East Asia, and cooperation on the economy.
.Ties improved in recent months after President Ranil Wickremesinghe appealed to Japan to help Sri Lanka weather the crisis, caused by economic mismanagement by successive governments, deep tax cuts and then the COVID-19 pandemic.
Japan is Sri Lanka’s biggest bilateral lender after China, with about $2.7 billion in outstanding loans, according to finance ministry data. India is the third key creditor.
In a joint statement issued after holding discussions with his Sri Lankan counterpart Ali Sabry, the visiting Japanese lawmaker also conveyed his expectations for further progress in the debt restructuring process.
Colombo (LNW): At Least 3.18 million middle class persons in Sri Lanka will fall into poverty level with the rising cost of living and loss of income in the economic crisis, this has doubled the national poverty level to 25 per cent.
This was disclosed by World Bank Country Director for Maldives, Nepal and Sri Lanka Faris Hadad-Zervos when he addressed meeting in Colombo recently.
Sri Lanka has lost half a million jobs in industry and services. With the rising cost of living, this has doubled the national poverty level to 25 per cent in 2022 from 13.1 percent of the population in 2021,
One of the consequences has been the growth in regional disparities. While poverty jumped to 15 per cent in urban areas, it skyrocketed to 52 per cent in rural areas.
Several factors in the past five years explain this development, most notably a restrictive trade regime, a poor investment climate, and a careless monetary policy, not to mention the COVID-19 pandemic.
According to World Bank statistics 13.1 percent of the 22.15 million population of Sri Lanka is 2.9 million which was the number of poor persons in the country at that time.
According to World Bank country Director this number has increased to 25 percent in 2022. That was 25 percent of the population of 22.18 million at the end of 2022 and it was amounting to 5.54 million.
Accordingly 2.64 million middle class persons have been added to the country’s poverty level. World Bank country director predicted that the number of poor people in the country will increase up to 27.4 percent of the population in 2023.
According to mathematical model predictions it will be 27.4 percent of the population of 22.20 million numbering 6.08 million.
The number of persons in the poverty level will increase to 3.18 million by th end of 2023 from 2,90 million in 2021, mathematical model predictions showed.
“The crisis that has had a devastating impact on people’s standards of living, is exacting a heavy toll on the poor and vulnerable and is jeopardizing Sri Lanka’s past development gains, Faris Hadad- Zervos claimed.
He added: ‘Many more people are just one shock away from poverty. The World Bank estimates that 5.7 percent of the population lives less than 10 percent above the poverty line and a further 5.6 percent between 10 and 20 percent above the poverty line.
‘This dramatic increase in poverty and vulnerability has wiped out decades-long human capital gains and deep reforms are essential to stabilize the economy and bold action to protect the poor and vulnerable.
The government has now committed to an ambitious reform agenda and implemented some difficult and necessary reforms, including tax reforms, cost reflective utility pricing, a strong social safety net and debt restructuring to stabilize the economy.
Colombo (LNW): The Colombo stock market achieved a sharp rebound yesterday with foreign investors stepping up buying, boosting the year to date net inflow to Rs. 3 billion.
The active S&P SL20 shot up by nearly 4% and the active ASPI by 2.5%. Turnover gained to Rs. 3.3 billion involving 95.5 million shares.
Net foreign buying amounted to Rs. 696 million boosting the inflow to Rs. 2 billion in July and year to date to Rs. 3 billion.
Asia Securities said following three sessions of subdued momentum, the indices returned to upward trajectory mainly led by banking sector counters while JKH (+5.2%) recorded sharp price increases during the session on the back of increased foreign buying.
The ASPI reclaimed the 11,000 mark at market-open and subsequently breached the 11,200 levels to close at 11,257 (+273 points)..
Foreigners recorded a five-month high net inflow boosted by net buying in JKH (Rs. 207mn), SAMP (Rs. 114mn), EXPO (Rs. 86mn), and SPEN (Rs. 59mn). Foreign selling topped in RCL at Rs. 8.8mn.
First Capital said the market picked up after continuous sessions of profit-taking as interest emerged on blue-chip and banking counters. Investor interest continued on JKH, while retail participation was observed on small and mid-cap shares.
Treasury sector shares enticed investor interest as T-bill rates slightly reduced from yesterday’s T-bill auction. The ASPI ended in the green zone at 11,258, gaining 273 points, nearly a month after it gained over 600 points following the DDO clarification.
NDB Securities said high net worth and institutional investor participation was noted in Nations Trust Bank, John Keells Holdings, and Hatton National Bank. Mixed interest was observed in Sampath Bank, LOLC Holdings and National Development Bank, whilst retail interest was noted in Browns Investments, Dialog Axiata and Shaw Wallace Investments.
The Banking sector was the top contributor to the market turnover (due to Nations Trust Bank, Sampath Bank and Hatton National Bank) whilst the sector index gained 4.73%.
The share price of Nations Trust Bank gained Rs 4.20 (4.45%) to Rs 98.60. The share price of Sampath Bank moved up by Rs 3.50 to Rs 77. The share price of Hatton National Bank appreciated by Rs 10.25 to close at Rs 186.25.
The Capital Goods sector was the second highest contributor to the market turnover (due to John Keells Holdings) whilst the sector index increased by 3.40%.
The share price of John Keells Holdings increased by Rs 8.25 (5.20%) to Rs 167.00. LOLC Holdings was also included amongst the top turnover contributors. The share price of LOLC Holdings recorded a gain of Rs 9 to close at Rs 493.25.
Colombo (LNW): Currently these days, the focus is more on issuing letters to obtain visas from the Sri Lanka Cricket rather than on cricket itself. Meanwhile, Shalini Taraka has emerged with even more attention than all the other individuals who received those letters. Not only is she the most renowned actress in Sri Lanka, but she has also become the most talked-about name in the cricket industry, surpassing even Chamari Athapattu.
We are so clever enough to sew it to take fabric and sew it when the shop tells us. Also, history has recorded instances where even kings, in their desire for protection, entrusted their swords to the wrong people and faced dire consequences as a result.
Although we have shown for a long time that the Minister of Sports is also keeping such people with him to give the sword, they are trying to remain by false praises and deceptions.
Previously, we have stated that they are anticipating more than just those privileges. When they get a hint that they can approach such an alluring prey, they swing their sword without even thinking about the minister’s head.Shammi Silva emphasizes that the letter supposedly sent by the Ministry to Sri Lanka Cricket is solely kept under the wraps of the Ministry of Sports. According to that story, the Ministry of Sports should be held accountable for the letter circulating on social media. Nevertheless, that letter was disseminated and shared “to reap the benefits they gain,” and the people surrounding the minister seem to have disregarded the existence and importance of the minister entirely.
Therefore, information is spreading, and especially two names have surfaced from that visa file. While they may not be as popular as Shalini Taraka currently, there’s a possibility that they could become the next rising stars in popularity. The two names that have surfaced from the visa file are the sports minister’s two daughters.
Herewith, the proof is presented that the letter included the names of the two individuals. However, we believe that the children should not be implicated in the scandal due to their fathers’ actions.
As a responsible approach, we will refrain from publishing the photos of those two daughters here. But if it is necessary to illustrate the potential harm caused by sending a letter with a letterhead to obtain a visa, we can certainly take that into consideration.
Colombo (LNW): An immediate investigation should be carried out into the inhumane attack on journalist Tharindu Uduwaragedara by the Sri Lanka Police, stressed the National Movement for Social Justice in a statement today (29).
Uduwaragedara who was reporting on a protest jointly organised by several trade unions, as well as the brutal assault on him by the Police, is an unjust act that can no way be condoned, in a clear demonstration the disrespect shown by certain parties for the freedom of expression, the NMSJ pointed out.
Uduwaragedara who was hospitalised due to sustaining injuring upon the attack by the Police was granted bail by the Colombo Chief Magistrate Court today (29).
Full Statement:
The arrest of journalist Tharindu Uduwaragedara who was reporting on a protest jointly organised by several trade unions, as well as the brutal assault on him by the Police, is an unjust act that can no way be condoned. It has clearly demonstrated the disrespect shown by certain parties for the freedom of expression.
The responsible parties should immediately pay attention to this brutal attack on a journalist by the Police, thereby threatening the freedom of expression, and misusing their power (Police). It is also our view that legal action should be taken against those responsible at the earliest possible.
It is sad that even though the relevant institutions have issued necessary guidelines so as to prevent this sort of incidents from happening, the relevant parties have ignored them. The Inspector General of Police, Chandana D. Wickramaratne should pay close attention to the occurance of such incidents when the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) has issued clear guidelines to the Police about how to deal with public protests.
Accordingly, we, the National Movement for Social Justice, strongly request the responsible parties to investigate this incident immediately, and to take necessary measures so that such incidents do not happen again.
Sunil Jayasekara General Secretary National Movement for Social Justice
The President’s decision on the 13th constitutional amendment is a positive and optimistic step for the future of the country
– State Minister for Higher Education Mr. Suren Raghavan
State Minister of Higher Education, Mr Suren Raghavan, stated that President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s proposal to implement the 13th Amendment of the Constitution without police powers as a measure to foster national harmony may not be popular, but it is a forward-looking decision for the future of the country.
Additionally, Minister Raghavan, highlighted that this decision was taken despite the considerable risk involved, in order to pave the way for a new political journey anticipated by the young people who have been actively engaged in the ‘Aragalaya’.
He conveyed these perspectives while addressing a Press briefing themed ‘Collective Path to a Stable Country’ at the Presidential Media Centre (PMC) yesterday(28).
During his remarks, the State Minister asserted that a national dialogue has once again emerged regarding the 13th Amendment of the Constitution. He clarified misconceptions about the current president’s approach to this matter, emphasizing that all former presidents have previously discussed the issue. He pointed out that the country is now transitioning into a post-war phase.
Mr. Suren Raghavan made it clear that while he does not consider himself a participant in any on-going struggle, the essence of the struggle is evident. He stressed the significance of renewing the agreement between the citizens and the state, a sentiment echoed by the people of the country and the younger generation poised to shape its future. Emphasizing the state’s responsibility, he underscored the need to address the aspirations and social needs of all citizens in order to revitalize the nation.
“At present, President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s actions may not be widely supported, as it is a known fact that elections are on the horizon. Typically, popular decisions are made during such times to garner public favour.” State Minister of Higher Education, Mr. Suren Raghavan, suggested that providing essential necessities like free bread, dal, gas, and electricity, or making promises to do so, could be a favourable approach during this period.
Despite the potential risks involved, President Ranil Wickremesinghe has shown boldness in initiating this discourse during his political tenure. It is evident that the President holds a deep belief in democracy and firmly believes that even if a decision is not popular, it must be the right thing to do. The President embarked on this task with the hope of resolving the issue without burdening future generations.
During a discussion with party leaders and opposition ministers in parliament, President Ranil Wickremesinghe raised the question of whether they support the 13th Constitutional Amendment. It was pointed out that this amendment has been a part of the constitution for several decades, and significant funds, around Rs. 300 billion per year, are allocated to the Northern Provincial Council alone. This has led to a crucial question regarding the meaningfulness of maintaining the provincial council at such a substantial financial cost.
Furthermore, the President made it clear that if the 13th Amendment is not accepted politically, Parliament should step in and take action to abolish it. The Tamil political elite also face internal disunity, with varying opinions and stances on the matter. Some members are abstaining from the discussion and refuse to accept any solution that does not involve federalism. On the other hand, when others request a solution, they do not actively work towards finding one. This lack of consensus and commitment from certain factions within the Tamil political elite poses a challenge to the nation’s progress on this issue.
In light of the situation, adopting a dialogical democracy appears to be the most suitable approach. The enforcement of the 13th Constitutional Amendment, as proposed, should not be further delayed. Moreover, some parties advocate for 13+, as discussed with Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa, and given the prolonged postponement of provincial council elections for nearly seven years, resolving the underlying issues is essential before holding the election.
One critical matter raised is whether all the powers outlined in the 13th Constitutional Amendment will be granted. Specifically, there is an on-going discussion regarding the granting of police powers. While the amendment mentions police powers, it has not been implemented due to mutual suspicions. Hence, there is a pressing need for a constructive dialogue to establish a new consensus between the state and its citizens, particularly concerning the Tamil people.
‘As a former governor, I have observed that 95% of the Tamil-speaking population faces daily struggles for survival, encompassing essential aspects like access to clean drinking water, healthcare, education, transportation, security, and economic opportunities. It is imperative to address these challenges promptly’.
It is equally important not to exploit the existing differences among Tamil leaders for political gains. Instead, we must focus on genuine efforts to win the hearts of the Tamil people and foster a unified approach towards building a prosperous and inclusive future for all citizens.
