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“WOKE” Policy and Oligarchical Hypocrisy: Openly Gay Treasury Secretary toasts for MAGA despite Trump-approved Idaho Bill to Outlaw Same-Sex Marriage!

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By: Isuru Parakrama

February 15, World (LNW): In the midst of escalating ideological battles, one of the most compelling paradoxes of contemporary American politics lies in the figure of Scott Bessent, the openly gay Treasury Secretary under Donald Trump.

Bessent’s ascension to the second most powerful position in the Trump administration, following Vice President J.D. Vance, presents a striking contradiction in the broader political landscape, particularly within the “Make America Great Again!” (MAGA) movement that has increasingly sought to curtail LGBTQIA+ rights, especially for transgender individuals.

Bessent, a wealthy hedge fund manager and former associate of political figures like George Soros, was a key donor to Trump’s 2024 campaign, and his role as Secretary of the Treasury was announced shortly after the former president’s victory. In doing so, Trump positioned Bessent not only as the face of a new economic agenda but also as the highest-ranking openly LGBTQIA+ individual in American history, becoming a symbolic representative of the American Dream.

However, Bessent’s high-profile nomination sits uncomfortably with the prevailing policies endorsed by Trump’s administration, particularly the MAGA movement’s growing influence over Republican agendas that undermine LGBTQIA+ rights.

In stark contrast to Bessent’s personal identity, the policies endorsed by the Trump administration have veered sharply in the direction of social conservatism, with a particular focus on dismantling protections for transgender individuals and restricting access to healthcare for LGBTQIA+ people.

These efforts are championed by powerful voices in the Grand Old Party (GOP), notably members of the MAGA base who continue to push a reactionary social agenda that directly contradicts the values of equality and inclusivity that the LGBTQIA+ community has fought for over the last several decades.

The Idaho House’s recent passage of a bill urging the Supreme Court to reverse the landmark Obergefell v. Hodges ruling, which legalised same-sex marriage in 2015, serves as a chilling example of the political climate that Bessent, despite his personal affiliations, now finds himself aligned with.

This bill, which was officially approved with backing from both the state’s GOP leadership and key elements of the MAGA movement, aims to strip legal recognition from same-sex unions in the state and could ultimately set a precedent for a wider push to unravel the gains made by the LGBTQIA+ community in recent years.

Given that Bessent holds one of the most influential positions in American politics, one might wonder how his personal identity aligns with the broader ideological forces that his administration supports.

Bessent is married to John Freeman, a former New York City prosecutor, and the couple live with their two children in Charleston, South Carolina. His appointment raises difficult questions about the intersection of personal identity and political power.

Whilst his position as an openly gay public figure in such a high-profile role could be seen as a victory for LGBTQIA+ visibility, the policies that the Trump administration champions—especially in regard to the restriction of civil rights for transgender individuals—call into question the sincerity of this representation.

Bessent himself may remain largely silent on the contentious social issues surrounding his administration, perhaps focusing on his economic mandate, but his silence cannot wholly shield him from criticism. His support for Trump’s political platform—despite the direct contradiction to his own identity—becomes an emblematic example of the ways in which oligarchical interests can overlook social justice in the pursuit of wealth and power.

There is also an undeniable irony in Bessent’s appointment in the context of the Trump Administration’s so-called “WOKE” policies, a term often weaponised by right-wing figures to mock progressive movements for social justice. In this environment, Bessent becomes a symbol of the contradictions inherent in the intersection of personal ambition and political power, particularly for someone who resides in a privileged position of wealth and influence.

In effect, his success within the administration, despite the MAGA movement’s attacks on LGBTQIA+ rights, echoes the uncomfortable reality that policy, identity, and morality are often subordinate to the political and financial interests of the elite.

The growing tension between the push for civil rights and the political priorities of those in power has been starkly highlighted by the passage of bills like the one in Idaho, and the increasingly hostile rhetoric surrounding LGBTQIA+ issues. Bessent’s role in the Trump administration provides a chilling reminder that progress for marginalised communities can be undone by those who wield power, even when they seem to share an identity with those they are working to oppress.

His participation in this administration reveals the uncomfortable truth that in politics, one’s personal identity can often be secondary to the broader ideological and financial goals of the elite—goals that are more than willing to sacrifice the rights of minorities for the sake of power.

Thus, as Scott Bessent continues to occupy his role as Treasury Secretary in a government that has been increasingly hostile to the LGBTQIA+ community, his situation serves as a potent symbol of the hypocrisy that can arise when personal identity and oligarchical interests intersect.

In the face of an administration bent on eradicating the rights of LGBTQIA+ individuals, particularly the dismissal of transgender individuals from sports and the military and the banning of gender-affirming healthcare for trans-identified minors, Bessent’s role invites us to reflect on the delicate balance between progress, power, and the often incompatible nature of identity politics and financial ambition.

Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath to Attend 8th Indian Ocean Conference in Oman

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Colombo, February 14 – Sri Lanka’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment, and Tourism, Vijitha Herath, will participate in the 8th Indian Ocean Conference (IOC), scheduled to take place from February 16–17, 2025, in Muscat, Oman.

The Indian Ocean Conference, a flagship forum for nations in the Indian Ocean region, is organized annually by India’s Ministry of External Affairs, in collaboration with the India Foundation. This year’s edition is being held in partnership with Oman’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs under the theme: “Voyages to New Horizons of Maritime Partnership.”

Minister Herath is scheduled to address the first plenary session on February 16, focusing on regional maritime security, economic integration, and sustainable development in the Indian Ocean region.

The conference will bring together ministers and officials from over 60 countries and international organizations. In addition to his address, Minister Herath will hold bilateral discussions with regional counterparts on strengthening economic partnerships and maritime cooperation.

Sri Lanka has played a significant role in previous IOC meetings, having hosted the second edition in Colombo in 2017.

Navin Dissanayake Appointed as UNP Vice President

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Former Minister Navin Dissanayake has been appointed as the Vice President of the United National Party (UNP).

The appointment was made by UNP leader and former President Ranil Wickremesinghe during the UNP Working Committee meeting held today.

Dissanayake, a senior politician, has held several key positions in government, including Minister of Sports, Tourism, and Plantation Industries, as well as Governor of the Sabaragamuwa Province.

His appointment is seen as a move to strengthen the party’s leadership and prepare for upcoming political challenges, particularly in the wake of shifting alliances and electoral strategies ahead of the next general election.

Sri Lanka’s Economic Centres fail   to Benefit Farmers and Consumers

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Sri Lanka’s dedicated economic centres are currently controlled by few entrepreneurs by providing an opportunity for middlemen to earn profit leading the prices of locally produced vegetables and fruits sky rocketing as the mechanism has not been established properly, country wide farmer’s organizations complained. .

These organisations along with consumer protection societies are urging the new government to set up   an establishment as C.W.E. by bringing all Economic Centres in the island under one Trust in order to meet out justice to both the farmer and the consumer without middlemen’s interference.

In a country where 19 DECs were established for direct transactions between farmers and buyers, their failure to eliminate intermediary involvement has led to discontent on both ends: farmers and consumers, they said. .

Thus, DECs were to act as open marketplaces for the wholesale trade of vegetables and other agricultural products.

The farmers can directly bargain with the wholesalers. However, many farmers report difficulty selling their produce, while consumers complain about inflated prices.

 One striking example is the price markup for carrots: bought at Rs 120 in regions such as Nuwara Eliya, they can sell for as much as Rs 400 at the Negombo market, due to the middlemen who dominate these centres.

Farmers’ organizations feel that the present system has allowed too many intermediaries to flourish, needlessly jacking up prices.

The farmer groups and consumer advocates are pressing the government to set up a centralised trust, on the pattern of the defunct C.W.E. – Cooperative Wholesale Establishment, to manage all economic centres and bring these under one management umbrella to weaken the middlemen’s grip and allow a just price both to the producer and the consumer.

Farmers say that if put into operation, this system can be operative within three months and they can sell their produce without any problem and at better prices.

Despite support for farmers, many are still struggling to thrive, facing higher prices of improved seeds and fertilizers, crop yield irregularities, and general absence of reliable agricultural credit.

Many are forced to take loans with high interest while illegal food imports destabilize the local market further.

Even in good seasons, they often find themselves unable to sell their produce at profit. While the government still maintains a fertilizer subsidy, it has not been increased and also not distributed to food and vegetable farmers, making their livelihood increasingly hard to manage.

The concept of economic centres was mooted in 2000 under a United National Party government initiative led by then minister Bandula Gunawardana.

The first centre in Dambulla, designed with modern facilities like cold storage, remains incomplete decades later. Prior to the establishment of DECs, small traders directly purchased and transported produce, keeping prices stable.

On their own, farmers delivered goods to major markets in Colombo, Kandy, and other areas by organised transport associations that distributed the produce at that time .

Today, that is no longer the case. Produce is taken by farmers to the nearest economic centre using mostly their means of transportation.

However, prices crash during peak seasons because of bulk supplies, thereby leaving many farmers without profit.

Unsold vegetables at times get discarded or even used as animal feed. Prices soar during off-seasons, which large-scale farmers who complete their harvest ahead of the season and those small-scale farmers who defy seasonal planting benefit from.

Over time, a few large traders have taken over each centre, and gradually, they have created a monopoly over the market.

A monopolistic market situation squeezes small and medium traders out of the market and heightens consumer prices. This way, both consumers and producers feel they are caught in a web of high costs and low returns.

In response, farmers and consumer advocates are demanding reforms to return the DECs to their original purpose: “fair price through efficient direct sales channels, untainted by middlemen.

Central Bank Strengthens AML/CFT Framework amidst illicit Gem tarde

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Sri Lanka is preparing for its third Mutual Evaluation on the Anti-Money Laundering and Countering the Financing of Terrorism (AML/CFT) framework, coordinated by the Asia Pacific Group on Money Laundering (APG). 

This evaluation requires Sri Lanka to demonstrate compliance with the 40 recommendations of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and effective implementation of 11 Immediate Outcomes.

To address gaps in its AML/CFT framework, the Sri Lankan government has approved and communicated a set of action plans to key stakeholder institutions. 

These include the Attorney General’s Department, Sri Lanka Police, Sri Lanka Customs, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, and various ministries and regulatory bodies. 

In 2023, an AML/CFT Task Force was established to oversee the implementation of these institution-specific action plans.

The Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) has intensified efforts to combat money laundering, particularly within the gem and jewelry industry.

 This sector, already struggling with high taxation, has been the focus of awareness programs on AML/CFT compliance.

 In preparation for the 2025 international evaluation, CBSL has introduced key initiatives, including training on the Financial Transactions Reporting Act (FTRA) and Customer Due Diligence (CDD) for transactions exceeding $15,000.

 Despite these efforts, much of the gem trade in areas like Ratnapura and Beruwala remains informal, with only 12% of daily transactions—valued at over Rs. 10 billion—going through legal channels. 

The widespread use of informal financial systems, such as hawala, makes regulation enforcement challenging. 

The industry is projected to generate $2 billion annually by 2025, but it currently faces multiple hurdles.

 Gem export revenue declined by 20.9% in the first eight months of 2024, dropping to $212.8 million from $268.8 million in 2023, according to CBSL data. Industry sources attribute this downturn to an 18% Value Added Tax (VAT) imposed on rough and finished gemstones, which affects both re-exported gems and those sold to foreign tourists. 

Many traders fear that these taxes could push businesses towards alternative hubs such as Dubai, India, Hong Kong, and Thailand. 

Moreover, banks have been hesitant to extend loans to gem traders, forcing most dealers to rely on personal funds. The lack of a VAT refund mechanism on foreign currency sales further hampers competitiveness.

 The national risk assessment has identified a medium risk of money laundering within the gem sector, highlighting the need for risk-based AML/CFT measures. 

These include enhanced due diligence for politically exposed persons (PEPs), transaction monitoring, and improved internal controls. 

Compliance remains difficult, as a significant portion of gem transactions are conducted in cash without proper documentation, complicating VAT enforcement and financial tracking.

 Authorities estimate that VAT on local gem sales could generate Rs. 38 billion annually, providing much-needed revenue for Sri Lanka’s economy. 

However, illegal exports continue, with at least 45 known smugglers regularly transporting valuable gems to Bangkok and other destinations. Corruption within customs services further exacerbates the problem, enabling illicit trade. 

Additionally, Sri Lanka faces challenges with smuggled gemstones from Madagascar and Burma being falsely marketed as locally sourced, damaging the country’s reputation.

Unethical practices also plague the mining sector, where undervaluation of gemstones results in significant tax revenue losses. In response, the FIU stresses the importance of gem dealers registering, reporting suspicious transactions, and adhering to international AML/CFT standards. These measures aim to improve transparency, curb illegal financial activities, and ensure the sustainability of Sri Lanka’s gem industry.

Government Investigates Massive Coconut Oil Tax Evasion Scam

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The Sri Lankan government has launched an investigation into companies accused of evading taxes exceeding Rs. 5.8 billion on coconut oil imports. This was confirmed by Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya in response to a parliamentary question raised by Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) MP S.M. Marikkar. He alleged that a fraudulent tax evasion scheme had been operating since January 1, 2024, affecting the coconut oil import sector.

According to Marikkar, between January and October 2024, over 38.8 million kilograms of unrefined coconut oil were imported. However, it remains unclear whether these stocks were refined and released to the market. He pointed out that taxes on these imports had not yet been paid. Additionally, he highlighted imports of 1.7 million kilograms in November and 1.48 million kilograms in December, questioning the government’s policies on taxation and regulation of coconut oil imports.

He further accused the previous administration, under former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, of enabling tax exemptions. He cited a request from a company for tax relief, which Wickremesinghe, in his capacity as Finance Minister, forwarded to the Department of State Fiscal Policy (DSFP) and the Inland Revenue Department (IRD) in July 2024. Marikkar called for urgent action to recover the Rs. 5.8 billion owed in taxes.

Allegations of Market Manipulation and Tax Evasion

The issue has sparked widespread controversy, with many comparing it to previous large-scale tax scams, such as the infamous ‘sugar tax fraud.’ The All Ceylon Traditional Coconut Oil Manufacturers Association accused several major importers of hoarding up to 50,000 tonnes of coconut oil before a tax increase, allegedly manipulating prices and hurting smaller refiners and consumers.

Health and Regulatory Concerns

Under Sri Lanka’s revised VAT law, effective January 1, 2024, unrefined coconut oil that is locally refined and sold is subject to an 18% VAT and a 2.5% Social Security Tax. However, investigations revealed that three major companies, operating under six different names, imported 38.8 million kilograms of crude coconut oil between January and October 2024. While some importers complied with regulations, others bypassed refining processes entirely, releasing unsafe, unprocessed crude coconut oil into the market.

This not only led to significant tax losses but also posed health risks to consumers, as unrefined coconut oil is unsuitable for direct consumption. The Inland Revenue Department raided several companies, but reports suggest that at least one company sought intervention from the Finance Ministry through former President Wickremesinghe’s office. Correspondence indicated that the tax liabilities of these companies were under ‘special consideration,’ raising concerns about possible collusion between officials and importers.

Impact on the Coconut Oil Industry and Economy

The ambiguity surrounding VAT enforcement has disrupted the domestic coconut oil industry. Approximately 40 small-scale coconut oil refiners were forced to shut down operations due to unfair competition, while tax-evading importers continued to dominate the market.

Additionally, global coconut oil prices surged from $1,320 to $1,880 per tonne due to geopolitical factors like the Russia-Ukraine war. In Sri Lanka, wholesale prices rose to Rs. 700 per kilogram, with retail prices climbing to Rs. 1,350 per liter. The country imports around 6,000 tonnes of coconut oil monthly, costing $3.5 million in foreign exchange reserves. If left unchecked, this could amount to a $25 million drain in just six months, worsening Sri Lanka’s economic crisis.

Policy Recommendations for Stability

Experts have proposed several measures to mitigate these financial and economic risks:

Easing Crude Palm Oil Imports: Temporarily lifting restrictions on crude palm oil imports could reduce costs and stabilize coconut oil prices, potentially saving up to $50 million annually.

Reviving Domestic Palm Oil Cultivation: Restarting palm oil cultivation, which was halted under former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, could improve long-term self-sufficiency.

Strict Tax Compliance: The Inland Revenue Department must ensure that all companies pay VAT and Social Security Taxes without exemptions to recover lost revenue and restore market fairness.

Hayleys Fentons secures Mannar Wind Energy Project in Transparent Process

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Hayleys Fentons Ltd has been awarded the contract for developing a 50 MW wind power facility in Mannar through a transparent and competitive appeal process, overseen by the Procurement Appeal Board (PAB) and approved by the Cabinet of Ministers. The company confirmed that the contract was secured following due process, ensuring fairness and accountability.

Initially, Hayleys Fentons’ bid faced rejection due to additional content in the bid security. However, upon appeal, the PAB reviewed the bid on August 6, 2024, and determined that the additional content provided further assurance of bid security. Consequently, the PAB recommended that the Cabinet consider and evaluate the bid, leading to its approval.

The project was awarded to Hayleys Fentons at the lowest bid price of 4.65 US cents per unit of electricity (kWh), a competitive rate that will result in a substantial saving of over Rs. 3 billion for Sri Lanka compared to the previous lowest bid of 4.88 US cents per unit. This cost reduction underscores the government’s commitment to securing the best value for the country while advancing its renewable energy goals.

Under the previous government, the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) had initially planned to award the contract to Windforce Plc. at a higher rate of 4.88 cents per unit. However, following the appeal process, Hayleys Fentons revised its original bid downward to 4.65 cents per unit, ultimately winning the contract. Other bidders included Vidullanka, Universal Energy, and Square Mech at 4.98 cents per unit, and Lakdhanavi Ltd. at 5.90 cents per unit.

Mannar, known for its strong wind currents, is an optimal site for wind energy production. This project is expected to contribute approximately 150 gigawatt-hours annually to the national grid, reinforcing Sri Lanka’s commitment to renewable energy. Furthermore, the initiative marks a significant step in involving local companies in sustainable infrastructure projects, enhancing both national energy security and economic growth.

Officials from the Power and Energy Ministry confirmed that the Power Purchase Agreement (PPA) between Hayleys Fentons and the CEB is expected to be signed within a month. Once finalized, the project is set to commence as per the planned schedule, supporting job creation and boosting regional economies.

The high wind potential in Mannar enables a plant factor exceeding 40%, as demonstrated by the existing 103.5 MW wind power facility operated by the CEB. Additionally, the use of advanced bird radar technology minimizes environmental impact by automatically halting turbine operations upon detecting bird movements.

 Hayleys Fentons, a leading entity in Sri Lanka’s engineering and renewable energy sectors since 1919, has strengthened its financial position and growth potential following its integration into the Hayleys Group in 2016. Securing this project reinforces the company’s role as a key player in Sri Lanka’s clean energy transition.

The government and relevant authorities reaffirm that the tendering process adhered strictly to procurement regulations, ensuring fair competition. Any claims of underhand dealings in the awarding of this contract are entirely unfounded, as the project was secured through a transparent and merit-based process.

Sri Lanka Foreign Service Association Donates Rs. 3 Million to Colombo North Centre for Liver Diseases

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The Sri Lanka Foreign Service Association (SLFSA) donated Rs. 3 million to the Colombo North Centre for Liver Diseases (CNCLD) at an event held at the Foreign Affairs Ministry on Thursday (13). The event was attended by Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment and Tourism Minister Vijitha Herath, CNCLD Clinical Lead Prof. Rohan Siriwardana, Foreign Secretary Aruni Ranaraja, SLFSA President K. K. Yoganaadan, and members of the SLFSA Executive Committee.

The funds were raised through the International Bazaar and Cultural Extravaganza 2024, jointly organized by the Foreign Affairs Ministry and SLFSA, with support from diplomatic missions and international organizations based in Colombo. The event generated Rs. 2.8 million to support liver transplant surgeries at the Colombo North Teaching Hospital, Ragama.

SLFSA extended gratitude to Colombo Good Market for providing the venue, sponsors for financial support, and diplomatic missions for their generous contributions. The Office of the Chief of Defence Staff and the Tri-Forces also played a vital role in coordinating the event.

Recognizing CNCLD’s exceptional service in providing free treatment for complex liver diseases, SLFSA reaffirmed its commitment to future initiatives that align with its mission of social responsibility and international collaboration.

Sri Lanka and Vietnam to Strengthen Economic and Political Ties

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Colombo, February 12, 2025 – Vietnam’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Affairs Minister Bui Thanh Son has reaffirmed Vietnam’s commitment to deepening cooperation and friendship with Sri Lanka while offering to share Vietnam’s economic development expertise.

He made these remarks during a meeting with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake at the World Governments Summit 2025 in the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

The discussions focused on strengthening political trust and economic collaboration between the two nations, building on 55 years of diplomatic relations. President Dissanayake highlighted key investment opportunities in Sri Lanka, inviting Vietnamese investors to explore sectors such as agriculture, education, religion, culture, tourism, and air services.

Both leaders expressed optimism about expanding long-term economic cooperation and fostering bilateral growth.

Sri Lanka’s 2025 Budget Speech to be Presented on February 17

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President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, in his capacity as Minister of Finance, is set to present the Second Reading of the Appropriation Bill for 2025 (Budget Speech) in Parliament on Monday, February 17, at 10:30 a.m.

The Budget Debate will follow from February 18 to March 21. The Second Reading debate will be held for seven days from February 18 to 25, with the vote scheduled for February 25 at 6 p.m.

The Committee Stage Debate will span 19 days, including four Saturdays, from February 27 to March 21, concluding with the Third Reading vote on March 21 at 6 p.m.

The Appropriation Bill for 2025 was initially presented for its First Reading in Parliament on January 9, marking the beginning of the annual budgetary process.