Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who is currently in remand custody, was transferred from the prison hospital to the Colombo National Hospital this afternoon (23), based on recommendations made by prison doctors.

Wickremesinghe was taken into custody yesterday morning (22) after appearing at the Criminal Investigation Department to provide a statement. By yesterday evening, the Kotahena Magistrate’s Court ordered him to be remanded, and he was moved to Welikada Prison around 10:00 p.m.

Upon medical examination by two doctors, it was recommended that he be admitted to the prison hospital. Following further assessments today, he was transferred to the National Hospital for specialized care.

Colombo Chief Magistrate Niluplli Lankapura has ordered former President Ranil Wickremesinghe to be remanded until August 26, over allegations of misusing more than Rs. 166 million allocated under a government expenditure head. The Magistrate also directed prison authorities to ensure adequate security for the suspect and provide necessary medical treatment during his detention.

Prisons Spokesman Jagath Weerasinghe confirmed that Wickremesinghe was transferred to Magazine Prison following the court order. He noted that the former President would be referred to two medical specialists and kept under medical observation as required.

Why Bail Was Denied

Court proceedings revealed several grounds for refusing bail:

1. Use of State Funds for a Private Trip
   
   • In 2023, Wickremesinghe and his wife, Prof. Maithree Wickremesinghe, allegedly undertook a private visit to London, with all expenses— including those of the President’s private secretary—paid through the Presidential Secretariat budget.
   • Documents showed that Rs. 133.7 million was spent by the Secretariat, and a further Rs. 32.7 million was incurred under Sri Lanka Police and Navy expenditure, totaling Rs. 166.4 million in state funds.
   • The CID reported this as a clear misuse of public funds, as allocations under the Presidential expenditure head are strictly for state functions.
2. Defense Argument
   
   • Wickremesinghe’s legal team argued that as the country’s 8th Executive President, all overseas trips undertaken during his tenure were official, not private.
   • They presented a September 1, 2023, letter claiming the London visit was on the invitation of the University of Wolverhampton.

3. Suspicion of a Fabricated Document

• The CID countered that the letter was never submitted during months of investigation or by any of the 38 witnesses questioned, including his long-serving private secretary.
• They claimed the document appeared to have been created later to weaken the case, raising suspicion of forgery.

4. Contradictory Evidence

• The Attorney General’s Department presented earlier communications from the Sri Lankan High Commission in London, dated August and September 2023, clearly identifying the trip as a private visit.

5. Legal Grounds

• The charges were filed under Section 5(1) of the Offences Against Public Property Act, read with sections 386, 388, and 398 of the Penal Code.
• As per the law, if misused public property exceeds Rs. 25,000, the accused must remain in remand custody unless “exceptional circumstances” are proven—none of which were established in this case.

6. Medical Grounds Rejected

• The defense submitted medical documents citing Wickremesinghe’s diabetes and heart condition, and also referred to his wife’s battle with cancer.
• However, the court ruled that these did not qualify as exceptional grounds for bail, as adequate medical care could be provided within the prison system.

Courtroom and Public Reactions

Following the ruling, tense scenes unfolded outside the Kotahena Magistrate’s Court as Wickremesinghe’s supporters and loyalists broke down in tears. Police Special Task Force and anti-riot units were deployed to maintain order.

Wickremesinghe was transported under heavy security in a prison bus to Magazine Prison.

Earlier in the day, he had reported to the Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) of the CID to provide a statement regarding the alleged misuse of funds. It was during this process that he was formally taken into custody.

Historic First

This marks the first time in Sri Lanka’s history that a sitting or former President has been arrested and remanded.

The case, which revolves around the alleged use of state funds to attend his wife’s graduation ceremony in the UK, is being closely watched both locally and internationally, given its unprecedented nature

The Independent Medical Practitioners Association (IMPA) of Sri Lanka held its ceremonial induction of Dr. Sanath Hettige as the President for the year 2025 on Friday, 22nd August 2025, at Waters Edge, Battaramulla.

The ceremony featured a welcome address by outgoing President Dr. A.H.A. Hazari, followed by the keynote speech from Chief Guest Dr. Anil Jasinghe, Secretary of the Ministry of Health and Mass Media. After the formal induction, Dr. Hettige delivered his inaugural speech as President.

The evening also included the presentation of Long Service Awards to IMPA members. The programme concluded with a vote of thanks delivered by Dr. Kanthi Ariyaratne, Joint Secretary of IMPA, followed by a reception.

https://youtu.be/VO_7R9aWQfk

:Sri Lanka’s coal procurement process, long plagued by allegations of irregularities, has once again come under scrutiny as the Ministry of Energy (MOE) recently issued an amended tender to purchase 4.5 million metric tonnes (MT) of coal on behalf of the Lanka Coal Company (LCC). The revised tender follows years of controversy surrounding previous coal imports for the Lakvijaya Power Plant in Norochcholai.

Opposition MP D.V. Chanaka, raising the matter in Parliament yesterday, alleged that the government is preparing the ground to facilitate unfair gains for a specific coal supplier.

He claimed that while the internationally recognized procurement process allows a six-week timeframe for tender submissions, a Cabinet decision had already reduced this to five weeks.

According to him, fresh attempts are now being made to complete the process within just three weeks, with approval from the National Tender Commission.

“This accelerated timeline appears to benefit a supplier who already holds stock, giving them a clear and unfair advantage,” Chanaka told Parliament. He also revealed that the Chairman of the Lanka Coal Company had gone untraceable for several days when requested to sign purchase orders, only to later submit his resignation.

The Opposition MP accused the government of bypassing established tender procedures, charging that the move undermines transparency and opens the door for corruption. “This is a deliberate attempt to manipulate the procurement system for the benefit of one party,” he alleged.

The MOE’s Standing Cabinet Appointed Procurement Committee has since invited sealed bids for the supply of coal for the 2025/26 and 2026/27 periods. Several amendments have been made to the bidding documents initially issued in August 2024.

 The earlier tender—intended to secure 2.25 million MT for 2024/25 and 2025/26—was repeatedly extended before finally being cancelled. The revised tender has now set March 6, 2025, as the new deadline for submissions.

The Auditor General’s Department had previously flagged serious procedural lapses in coal procurement, particularly regarding the 2022–2025 contract awarded to Black Sand Commodities FZ LLC. That contract, covering 38 shipments, is nearing completion, with 31 consignments already unloaded and around 700,000 MT of coal in stock.

 The Committee on Public Finance, then chaired by Dr. Harsha de Silva, had recommended disciplinary action against officials involved, citing violations of procurement guidelines.

Meanwhile, fresh criticism has emerged from the Front Line Socialist Party (FLSP). Its Education Secretary, Pubudu Jagoda, addressing the media in Nugegoda, alleged that the shortened tender period is designed to advantage pre-selected parties. “The government justifies this on grounds of an emergency but has failed to explain what that emergency is,” he said.

Jagoda warned that the delay in issuing the tender—announced in August instead of the usual February–March—would delay shipments until November, potentially creating a shortage. “This could force Sri Lanka to buy coal at higher spot market prices, leading to increased electricity costs for consumers. If rainfall fails during October or November, power cuts are also likely,” he cautioned.

He further alleged that the irregularities could benefit private diesel power operators and accused the government of steering the tender toward Panacape, a company linked to businessman Ruwan Fernando.

 “This is not merely corruption but a betrayal of political ethics. The entire power sector is being placed at risk for the benefit of one individual,” Jagoda charged, calling for urgent clarification and investigation into the process.

 Sri Lanka’s new electricity law, certified by Speaker of Parliament Dr. Jagath Wickramaratne on August 18, officially came into force this week, signaling a major shift in the country’s energy policy framework. The Sri Lanka Electricity (Amendment) Act, No. 14 of 2025, aims to guarantee a more reliable and affordable power supply while promoting renewable energy development and reducing greenhouse gas emissions.

The Act replaces the National Electricity Advisory Council with a National Electricity Policy that aligns with the broader National Policy on Energy. It also renames the “Wholesale Electricity Market” as the “National Electricity Market,” marking a structural transformation in how electricity will be traded, priced, and regulated in the future.

This legislation supersedes the 2024 electricity law, which was tied to a package of International Monetary Fund (IMF)–backed reforms. Under IMF conditionalities, the government has pledged to restructure state-owned enterprises, including the heavily indebted Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB). The new Act lays the groundwork for unbundling CEB operations into separate entities for generation, transmission, and distribution. It also opens the door to greater private sector participation, both local and foreign, in key areas of electricity production and delivery.

Supporters argue that the Act introduces much-needed efficiency and accountability to a sector plagued by losses and chronic mismanagement. The unbundling of services is expected to make costs more transparent while improving competition and service quality. Provisions for renewable energy investments are also seen as critical to meeting Sri Lanka’s climate commitments and reducing dependence on expensive fuel imports. By creating a clearer policy framework, the government hopes to attract long-term investment and stabilize electricity tariffs for consumers.

However, the law has not escaped controversy. In its draft stage, both the private sector and the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka raised concerns about ambiguities and possible governance loopholes. In June, the Supreme Court ruled that several provisions were unconstitutional. For instance, Clause 13(1)(c), which touched on the restructuring of employee rights, was deemed to violate the sovereignty of the people and required approval through both a two-thirds majority in Parliament and a national referendum unless amended. Other clauses were flagged for being vague or inconsistent with employment protections guaranteed under the Constitution.

 Critics also fear that privatization could eventually lead to higher costs for consumers if safeguards are not properly enforced. Labor unions have warned of job insecurity during the unbundling process, while some analysts caution that excessive reliance on private investment may reduce the state’s ability to control strategic infrastructure.

The government insists that the new law is a necessary step to modernize Sri Lanka’s power sector, attract capital, and ensure long-term energy security. Yet its success will depend heavily on implementation, regulatory oversight, and balancing the competing interests of consumers, employees, and investors.

The Sri Lankan government’s reported plan to import double cabs for Members of Parliament (MPs) and state institutions has ignited a heated debate, highlighting the deep contradictions in the political discourse surrounding austerity, fiscal discipline, and public accountability.

The controversy unfolded in Parliament after opposition MP Ravi Karunanayake raised questions over the government’s rationale in considering vehicle imports estimated to cost nearly Rs. 65 billion. This comes at a time when MPs’ other privileges — including pensions and subsidized meals — have been subject to proposed restrictions as part of a broader effort to reduce political perks.

Karunanayake accused the government of duplicity, noting that while it campaigns on the rhetoric of trimming extravagant entitlements, it simultaneously contemplates a costly program to supply luxury double cabs to legislators.

“It has been reported that double cabs are to be imported for MPs. This is the same government that criticized the privileges enjoyed by MPs at the public’s expense. How can you justify the plan to import double cabs under current circumstances?” he asked.

The issue strikes at the heart of the National People’s Power (NPP)’s campaign promises, which emphasized eliminating wasteful privileges for MPs.

Having ridden a wave of popular discontent against political excess, the NPP pledged to abolish pensions for parliamentarians and cut down other benefits deemed burdensome to taxpayers.

While the government has clarified that existing MPs will retain their pensions and that new rules will apply only to future entrants, critics argue that importing vehicles worth billions undermines the spirit of reform.

Responding to the opposition, Minister of Industry and Entrepreneurship Development Sunil Handunnetti sought to soften the controversy by insisting that the primary beneficiaries of the new vehicles would be government officials, not MPs.

He highlighted that divisional secretaries and other administrators currently operate outdated vehicles, many over 15 years old, with repair costs outweighing their operational value. “Priority will be given to government officials, beginning with divisional secretaries. This is not exclusively about MPs,” he said.

However, Public Security Minister Ananda Wijepala, who also oversees parliamentary affairs, admitted that MPs are indeed part of the government’s considerations.

“This is the idea we have at the moment. However, we have not decided when it will be done. We don’t know whether it will be this year or next year,” he remarked, leaving ambiguity around the timeline and intent.

Analysts point out that the government is treading a politically sensitive path. On one hand, state institutions do require functional vehicles to carry out administrative and public service duties effectively, especially in rural regions.

On the other, the inclusion of MPs in such a procurement program at a staggering national cost risks reinforcing public perceptions of privilege, waste, and misaligned priorities.

At a time when Sri Lanka is struggling with fiscal consolidation under the IMF program, public trust is fragile.

Critics warn that any move perceived as prioritizing politicians’ comfort over citizens’ hardships could fuel voter anger, particularly given rising living costs and austerity measures imposed on households.

For now, the proposal remains in the planning stage, but the political debate it has triggered underscores a broader question: whether Sri Lanka’s leadership is willing to match its rhetoric of sacrifice and reform with genuine restraint in practice.

The National People’s Power (NPP) Government is committed to upholding the supremacy of the law, ensuring it is applied equally to all citizens regardless of their position or social rank, Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala said.

“It doesn’t matter whether it is the IGP, an MP, a Minister or even a former President — the law is equal to all,” the Minister said, stressing that the government will not hesitate to bring anyone who has committed wrongdoing before the law.

He noted that investigations into major incidents are progressing, including the Easter Sunday attacks, the disappearance of journalist Prageeth Ekneligoda, and the assault on journalist Keith Noyahr, the latter of which has already been completed.

Minister Wijepala also recalled that when the NPP assumed office, the country was not only economically bankrupt but also socially and politically weakened. However, within eight to ten months, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s administration had restored economic stability.

According to him, export and domestic revenues have grown, inflation has been brought under control, and the tourism sector has been revitalized. He described this as evidence that the government is achieving both economic stability and social welfare.

“The NPP government is building a state administration based on justice,” the Minister said, pledging that justice will be delivered to all victims without exception.