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KKS Port Revival: Northern Gateway or another Stalled Dream?

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By: Staff Writer

October 13, Colombo (LNW): The long-awaited Kankesanthurai (KKS) Port development project, initiated under the previous government, is again drawing attention as progress remains uneven despite renewed pledges of regional growth. Once envisioned as a northern maritime hub, the project was launched with a $60 million investment supported by India’s Exim Bank, aiming to transform KKS into a commercial port linking Sri Lanka to South India and regional trade networks.

According to the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA), nearly 70 percent of civil and dredging work has now been completed. The port’s basin has been deepened to 8.5 meters, enabling medium-sized cargo vessels to dock, while the reconstruction of three jetties is nearing final stages. The project’s second phase construction of a breakwater and modernization of storage yards has been delayed due to supply and funding constraints amid fiscal tightening.

Sources within the SLPA reveal that the initial feasibility studies projected KKS to handle 1.5 million metric tons of cargo annually within five years of completion. However, recent internal assessments suggest this target may fall short by nearly 30 percent, given the slower industrial recovery in Sri Lanka’s Northern Province and weaker domestic logistics linkages.

The port, once a naval base rendered inoperative during the civil conflict, has been a politically sensitive development priority. While the previous administration under the United National Party–led alliance positioned KKS as a “gateway to regional integration,” the new NPP government faces pressure to accelerate construction while ensuring transparency in foreign-funded projects.

Analysts point out that the project’s strategic proximity to India’s southern coastline makes it geopolitically significant. India has contributed over $45 million in grant and credit assistance, including dredging, breakwater construction, and navigational aid installations. Yet, the project’s operational model—whether under SLPA, a joint venture, or a public-private partnership—remains undecided, raising concerns about long-term sustainability.

Local business chambers in Jaffna argue that the port could stimulate agri-export trade, fisheries, and small-scale logistics, provided supporting road and warehousing infrastructure are built. However, delays in connecting the A9 highway logistics corridor and establishing customs facilities have left the project underutilized even as construction nears completion.

Environmental groups have also flagged concerns over dredging impacts and the absence of a transparent Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) publication.

As of September 2025, project expenditure stands at Rs. 19.2 billion, with an estimated Rs. 7 billion still required for completion by mid-2026. While officials maintain optimism, insiders fear bureaucratic inertia and procurement disputes could stall the final phase.

For the Northern region, KKS port represents more than infrastructure—it symbolizes long-promised economic revival. But unless governance, transparency, and strategic planning improve, it risks becoming another incomplete monument of political ambition, rather than a functional maritime gateway to prosperity.

AI-Powered Grand Serendib Hotel Redefines Sri Lanka’s Tourism Vision

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By: Staff Writer

October 13, Colombo (LNW): Sri Lanka’s tourism industry, which has weathered years of political instability and economic turbulence, is entering a transformative phase with the launch of the Grand Serendib Colombo the nation’s first AI-powered hotel project. The initiative, unveiled at the Shangri-La Hotel Colombo on October 10, symbolizes the new government’s push to integrate artificial intelligence (AI) and smart infrastructure into its broader tourism revival strategy.

The inauguration was attended by Minister of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment and Tourism Vijitha Herath, who called the project a “milestone investment” that will “redefine Sri Lanka’s smart hospitality landscape.” The event also marked the 20th anniversary of ABEC, the company spearheading the development. Joining the minister were Sri Lanka National Cricket Team Head Coach Sanath Jayasuriya, ABEC Premier Dilip K. Herath, and several diplomats and academics, emphasizing the project’s national significance.

The Grand Serendib Colombo is expected to incorporate AI across multiple service dimensions from personalized guest experiences and predictive maintenance to energy optimization and smart logistics. According to ABEC executives, AI-driven analytics will enable the hotel to anticipate tourist demand patterns, manage resources efficiently, and improve sustainability metrics.

This aligns closely with the government’s Smart Tourism Strategy 2025, which aims to reposition Sri Lanka as a tech-driven destination that blends digital innovation with its natural and cultural heritage. The Ministry of Tourism has already introduced digital visa processing, destination intelligence platforms, and AI-based visitor analytics to track spending, stay duration, and travel behavior.

Recent data from the Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority (SLTDA) shows a 35% year-on-year rise in tourist arrivals during the first nine months of 2025, reaching nearly 1.7 million visitors, with India, Russia, and the UK leading source markets. Tourism revenue crossed USD 2.8 billion, a 28% increase compared to the same period last year a strong rebound supported by diversified promotional campaigns and improved air connectivity.

However, industry analysts caution that while tourist arrivals are rising, average spending per visitor remains stagnant, and infrastructure outside Colombo continues to lag. Projects like Grand Serendib are seen as test cases for integrating technology to enhance value addition rather than volume growth.

Minister Herath stressed that Sri Lanka must transition “from traditional sun-and-sand tourism to data-driven, sustainable hospitality.” He added that AI will play a pivotal role in “improving service quality, optimizing resources, and strengthening Sri Lanka’s global tourism competitiveness.”

Academics at the event highlighted that AI-based predictive models could help forecast seasonal trends, personalize marketing strategies, and reduce operational inefficiencies areas long neglected in Sri Lanka’s tourism sector.

As the island prepares for its Tourism Vision 2030, which targets USD 10 billion in annual revenue, the Grand Serendib Colombo stands as a symbol of innovation-led recovery. It represents not only a step toward smarter tourism but also a broader shift in how Sri Lanka leverages technology to rebuild confidence, attract investors, and reshape its global image as a next-generation tourism hub in South Asia.

Sapugaskanda Refinery’s Fate Tied to Sinopec’s Mega Investment

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By: Staff Writer

October 13, Colombo (LNW): The future of Sri Lanka’s petroleum refining sector hangs in balance as the Sapugaskanda Oil Refinery modernisation project becomes a key test of investor confidence and energy security. While the government has received 20 Expressions of Interest (EOIs) to expand the country’s only refinery, the outcome could directly influence Sinopec’s $3.7 billion Hambantota refinery investment, currently under review.

Built in 1969, the Sapugaskanda Refinery operated by the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) has long struggled with outdated technology, limited refining capacity, and dependence on imported refined fuels. Despite minor upgrades, it continues to process only 38,000 barrels per day, meeting less than 30% of the nation’s fuel demand. The remaining requirement—nearly 2.5 million tonnes of refined products annually is met through costly imports, straining foreign reserves and energy stability.

The government’s EOI call earlier this year sought global investors to modernize and expand Sapugaskanda’s capacity to 100,000 barrels per day under a public-private partnership model. Industry sources say major energy players, including Sinopec, Vitol, and Indian Oil Corporation, have expressed interest.

However, the evaluation results expected this month are viewed as a “decisive signal” for foreign partners. Sinopec, which signed an agreement to build the 200,000-barrel-per-day Hambantota refinery, has reportedly tied part of its decision to the direction of Sapugaskanda’s development. The Chinese state-owned company is also seeking an increased local market share from 20% to 40%, a request yet to be approved by the government.

Analysts warn that the government’s hesitation could deter further investment, especially at a time when Sri Lanka needs long-term energy partnerships to reduce import dependency. The Hambantota refinery if completed would be the largest in South Asia, capable of generating significant export revenue and enhancing the island’s refining self-sufficiency.

Meanwhile, Sapugaskanda continues to operate at near full capacity, but with outdated infrastructure. According to the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL), annual production efficiency has fallen by nearly 15% over the past decade due to frequent maintenance shutdowns and declining crude processing flexibility.

The facility also faces challenges in handling different crude blends, limiting its competitiveness. Industry experts stress that modernization is essential to accommodate low-sulfur and alternative crude grades, which would align Sri Lanka with global energy transition trends.

The success or failure of the Sapugaskanda expansion will determine whether the island can finally transition from being a net importer of refined fuels to a regional energy hub. With total refinery-linked investments exceeding USD 6.7 billion across Hambantota and Sapugaskanda, the coming months will reveal whether Sri Lanka’s energy sector can balance foreign partnerships, modernization goals, and market liberalization without compromising sovereignty or transparency.

Hamas Releases Final Living Israeli Hostages as Ceasefire Takes Hold

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By: Pramod Chinthaka Peiris

October 13, World (LNW): In a dramatic turn in the Gaza conflict, Hamas on Monday released all 20 remaining living Israeli hostages held in Gaza for over two years, under the terms of a U.S.‑brokered ceasefire deal.

The releases marked a rare moment of reconciliation amidst a brutal conflict that erupted in October 2023. Parents, spouses and children reunited in emotional scenes as those freed were taken in by medical teams for health checks and debriefing before reuniting with families.

As part of the agreement, Israel began releasing nearly 2,000 Palestinian prisoners and detainees.

Meanwhile, Hamas deployed fighters in Gaza in a show of internal strength, positioning armed militants at key locations including hospitals.


Ceasefire now in effect — for now

The ceasefire officially went into force on October 10, allowing for this prisoner‑exchange to be implemented.

The deal envisions multiple phases: first, the release of hostages in exchange for detainees, then later negotiations on disarmament, governance of Gaza, and the future role of Hamas.

Israeli leaders and the U.S. have framed this first stage as a test — one that could open a path to a more durable peace or collapse under renewed hostilities.


Power play behind the scenes

Hamas’s deployment of fighters during the handovers is seen by many analysts as an effort to maintain internal legitimacy and signal it retains control even amid concessions.

Israeli sources confirmed they had received the first seven hostages and anticipated the rest would follow later Monday, along with the return of the remains of deceased hostages.

For Israel, the release comes after a costly two‑year military campaign that devastated much of Gaza.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government gave preliminary approval to the ceasefire deal earlier this week.

But tougher talks lie ahead: Israel insists any lasting deal must include Hamas’s disarmament and handover of security control in Gaza.


A fragile peace, with high stakes

As freed hostages make their way home, the fragile truce offers a reprieve from years of violence. But the true test lies in whether the parties can negotiate and enforce the more difficult political arrangements to follow. Observers caution that any violation or delay could reignite conflict just as quickly as it subsides.

Meanwhile, humanitarian agencies hope the pause will allow more aid to reach vulnerable Gazans, many of whom have endured dire conditions during the war. The ceasefire agreement stipulates increased flows of food, fuel, medicine and reconstruction supplies into Gaza.

For families across Israel, the emotional relief is palpable. For the region, the moment offers cautious optimism — tempered by suspicion and the fragile balance that still must be negotiated.

IMF-Driven Company Law Reforms Shake Up Sri Lankan Corporates

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By: Staff Writer

October 13, Colombo (LNW): The newly enacted Companies (Amendment) Act No. 12 of 2025 has sent ripples across Sri Lanka’s corporate landscape, marking one of the most significant legal overhauls in nearly two decades. Enforced under the guidance of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) as part of its broader governance reform agenda, the amendment introduces mandatory beneficial ownership (BO) disclosure, demanding unprecedented transparency from corporate entities.

Introduced on August 4, 2025, the reform strengthens the Companies Act No. 7 of 2007, compelling businesses to reveal their ultimate owners to regulators. According to experts at a recent Deloitte Sri Lanka webinar titled “Reforming Today for a Resilient Tomorrow,” the amendment will reshape how companies operate, govern, and report.

Delivering the keynote, Dr. Harsha Cabral, PC and Chairman of the National Savings Bank, traced Sri Lanka’s evolving corporate law journey, noting that institutions such as the FATF, World Bank, and UNODC have long urged transparency to combat money laundering, tax evasion, and corruption. The new Act aligns Sri Lanka with international standards, enforcing strict accountability obligations on directors, secretaries, and shareholders.

Cabral described the move as “a cultural shift, not merely a legal update,” that will alter corporate behavior. Under the amendment, entities must disclose any individual holding 10% or more of ownership, a requirement expected to expose layered ownership structures previously hidden behind shell companies and nominee accounts.

Shivandini Liyanage, Senior Vice President Legal Enforcement & Compliance at the Colombo Stock Exchange (CSE), revealed that the Central Depository Systems (CDS) will begin overhauling its internal systems to comply with the law. Though regulations are yet to be finalized, companies will be required to modernize data management systems, train staff, and strengthen due diligence.

Meanwhile, Registrar of Companies Shyama Harshani announced that seven mandatory BO forms (B01–B07) will soon be introduced through the eROC portal, with all beneficial ownership data stored in a centralized registry accessible to regulators—and partially to the public. Companies that fail to comply will face hefty penalties and regulatory sanctions, she warned.

Corporate compliance teams, already stretched thin by new ESG and financial reporting standards, are bracing for additional costs. According to Deloitte’s panelists, many small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) lack the digital infrastructure to meet these demands, raising fears of uneven compliance across sectors.

In response, Deloitte unveiled its Green BO Flow, an automated system that digitizes ownership data collection while promoting paperless, ESG-compliant operations. The firm’s Director of Corporate Secretarial Services, Disna Perera, said the reform “raises the bar for corporate governance,” urging companies to view compliance not as a burden but as a competitive advantage.

However, industry insiders note that increased transparency could expose politically linked entities and dormant shell companies creating friction in a corporate ecosystem long accustomed to opacity. While the IMF-backed reform aims to rebuild global confidence, the immediate challenge for Sri Lankan firms will be balancing compliance costs with operational efficiency amid a tightening regulatory net.

In essence, the Companies (Amendment) Act No. 12 of 2025 represents more than just a reform—it’s a litmus test for Sri Lanka’s commitment to corporate integrity in the post-crisis era.

LMD 100 recognises Hayleys as Sri Lanka’s leading listed corporate for 2024/25

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Daily FT : Hayleys PLC has been ranked as Sri Lanka’s leading listed corporate in the 32nd edition of the LMD 100, securing the no. 1 position for the 10th time since the ranking’s inception in 1995. This recognition underscores the Group’s longstanding role as a centrepiece of the Sri Lankan economy and a benchmark of resilience, innovation, and sustainable value creation. 

For the financial year 2024/25, Hayleys achieved a record-breaking consolidated revenue of Rs. 492.2 billion, reflecting a 13% year-on-year (YoY) increase and marking the highest in the Group’s 148-year history. Profit Before Tax (PBT) rose to Rs. 35.4 billion, a growth of 40%, while Profit After Tax (PAT) reached Rs. 22.5 billion, representing a 52% increase compared with the previous year.

Hayleys Chairman and Chief Executive Mohan Pandithage

An export income of $ 685 million contributed 53% of the Group’s total revenue, while reaffirming Hayleys’ role as a key driver of foreign exchange earnings. 

The Group continues to be one of Sri Lanka’s largest private sector employers, with a workforce of 38,000, while supporting over 27,000 indirect livelihoods across its value chains. In 2024/25, Hayleys contributed Rs. 152 billion in cumulative economic value through payments to the Government, employees, lenders, and nearly 13,000 shareholders. 

Hayleys has a diversified presence across 16 industry verticals and operations in over 20 countries. Its export leadership includes serving close to 5% of global demand for household and industrial, supported and unsupported rubber gloves, and a commanding 16% global market share in coconut shell-based activated carbon. The Group is also Sri Lanka’s largest manufacturer and exporter of fabric, aluminium extrusion profiles, processed fruits and vegetables, hybrid flower seeds, and tissue culture plants.

Hayleys Co-Chairman and Non-Executive Director Dhammika Perera


Hayleys PLC Chairman and Chief Executive Mohan Pandithage said: “Securing the no. 1 position in the LMD 100 for the 10th time reflects not only our financial strength, but also the dedication of our teams across Sri Lanka and in over 20 countries of operation. This recognition belongs to our 38,000+ employees and the many thousands of small-scale partners who power our value chains. Their unwavering efforts are the foundation for our continued progress in innovation, diversification, digital transformation, and Environmental, Social and Governance (ESG) integration.”

“At Hayleys, our mission has always been clear – to earn for the country, empower communities, and create enduring value for stakeholders. With Sri Lanka’s macroeconomic conditions showing signs of stabilisation, we remain confident in the opportunities ahead and will continue to invest in progress that strengthens both the nation and our Group,” he added. 

As one of Sri Lanka’s most socio-economically impactful organisations, Hayleys has long championed inclusive business models that connect rural smallholder communities to global markets. From training and fair buyback agreements for agri farmers, to the ‘First Light’ program for rubber smallholders and the ‘Harith Angara’ initiative empowering coconut-based charcoal suppliers, the Group embeds fairness, sustainability, and security into its value chains. These partnerships, recognised internationally for their social impact, ensure that economic growth is not only export-driven but inclusive, strengthening livelihoods across Sri Lanka.

The Group also retained its national long-term rating of ‘AAA (lka)’ from Fitch Ratings in March 2025, reflecting disciplined governance and strong balance sheet management. Reinforcing its sustainability commitments, 74% of the Group’s energy consumption is now derived from renewable sources, driving a 14% reduction in greenhouse gas emission intensity (Scope 1 and 2) over the past year.

Police Officer Released on Bail Following Alleged Assault of Lawyer at Mount Lavinia Court

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October 13, Colombo (LNW): A police constable who was taken into custody in connection with an alleged assault on a legal practitioner within the precincts of the Mount Lavinia Magistrate’s Court has been released on bail.

The incident is said to have occurred on Friday (10), and the officer appeared before the court again today (13) where he was granted bail under strict conditions.

The bail was granted on the basis of two sureties, each valued at Rs. 100,000. The magistrate’s decision to release the constable comes amid ongoing investigations into the altercation, which reportedly unfolded in a public area of the courthouse.

In an additional report submitted to the court—commonly referred to as a ‘B report’—police indicated that the attorney involved, identified as Gunaratne Wanninayake, had allegedly used abusive and provocative language towards the constable prior to the incident. This development has added a layer of complexity to the case, raising questions about the circumstances that led to the confrontation.

According to police, Mr Wanninayake has neither presented himself before the court nor provided an official statement to investigators thus far. His absence has prompted concerns over the completeness of the available evidence and the impartiality of witness accounts.

Sri Lanka’s Phoenix Moment: Anura Kumara Dissanayake Among the Greats

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By: Roger Srivasan


To the people of Sri Lanka, who endured betrayal yet never lost hope.


Introduction: The Weight of Endemic Corruption

Corruption was once so endemic in Sri Lanka that it seeped into every corner of national life. Bribes greased the wheels of bureaucracy. Nepotism determined who rose in public office. The public coffers, meant for schools, hospitals, and development, too often became personal treasuries for the powerful. For seventy-six years after independence, the dream of freedom soured as politics became a byword for betrayal. The people watched helplessly as a nation of promise was looted. They had almost come to believe that corruption was our destiny.


Global Parallels: Nations That Defied Corruption

History, however, proves otherwise. Nations as corrupt, as broken, and as disillusioned as ours have risen — because strong, selfless leaders chose to defy the rot. –

– Singapore under Lee Kuan Yew: Once a struggling, corruption-ridden port, it became a model city-state through uncompromising integrity and a relentless clean-up of public life.
– Rwanda under Paul Kagame: Rising from the ashes of genocide, it embraced zero tolerance for graft and rebuilt trust in governance. –
– Georgia under Mikheil Saakashvili: Infamous for bribery and mafia networks, it stunned the world by firing its entire traffic police force and reinventing its institutions.
– Botswana under Seretse Khama: Where diamonds might have cursed the nation with greed, Khama ensured transparency and turned mineral wealth into a blessing for all. These leaders proved that corruption, no matter how deep, is not irreversible.


Sri Lanka at the Threshold

For decades, reform was promised but never delivered. Each election brought hope, but hope
dissolved into cynicism. The cancer of graft seemed permanent. What made it worse was the
betrayal of principle. The once-bitterly divided opposition parties, who had long hurled invective at each other as mortal enemies, became indistinguishable. Former rulers tergiversated to the opposition when it suited them — only to rejoin the ruling camp when financial inducements and perks beckoned. The revolving door of betrayal spun endlessly, while the very people who had placed their trust in them were abandoned and deceived. The tragedy was not only corruption, but the collapse of trust: politics reduced to a barter of loyalty for lucre. And yet, against this backdrop of cynicism, a new dawn is breaking.


The Phoenix Rises

The people recognise in Anura Kumara Dissanayake, a leader cut from the cloth of history’s great reformers. Like Lee Kuan Yew, he is no-nonsense and incorruptible. Like Kagame, he is unafraid to wield the scalpel against entrenched rot. Like Saakashvili, he speaks of rebuilding institutions from the ground up. Like Khama, he sees national wealth as a trust for the people, not a prize for the elite. The metaphor could not be clearer: Sri Lanka is the phoenix, rising from the ashes of corruption and despair. This rebirth is not merely political.

It is moral, cultural, and national. For the first time in decades, the people dare to imagine a Sri Lanka where: – Justice is blind, not bought. – Merit, not patronage, determines success. – Leaders serve, rather than plunder. Anura Kumara Dissanayake embodies this possibility. His mission is not to patch the old order, but to bury it and build anew.


Conclusion: Among the Greats

In the chronicles of history, certain names shine brighter than others — because they chose
principle over privilege, service over self, and justice over compromise. – Lee Kuan Yew reclaimed Singapore. – Paul Kagame reclaimed Rwanda. – Mikheil Saakashvili reclaimed Georgia. – Seretse Khama reclaimed Botswana. And now, Anura Kumara Dissanayake stands poised to reclaim SriLanka. When future generations speak of leaders who defeated corruption and restored dignity to their nations, they will list AKD among the greats — as the man who turned the page on seventy-six wasted years, and gave his people back their country.

Even when a nation is ravaged and pillaged by rapacious rulers, history proves that its rebirth is never beyond reach. From the ashes of plunder and despair, there arises the Phoenix of renewal – led by a selfless statesman who turns back the clock on corruption, and rekindles justice, and transforms the wounded land into a realm of harmony, equity and prosperity.


‘To the men who ran the world, I was just a photo op’: Malala Yousafzai on growing up, getting cynical – and how getting high nearly broke her

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The Guardian : The global icon of women’s education is ready to tell the full story of her turbulent recent life, from arguing with her parents to being ghosted by the statesmen who were once desperate to be seen with her

  •  How smoking a bong brought back the trauma of the Taliban’s attack – an exclusive extract from Malala Yousafzai’s memoir

Iam at the shed where Nobel laureate Malala Yousafzai smoked her first bong. No, there’s no punchline – it’s not that kind of anecdote. “My life has changed for ever,” Yousafzai says sadly, as we gaze at the semi-derelict structure. “Everything changed for ever, after that [night].”

The shed is tucked away at the back of Lady Margaret Hall, away from the prying eyes of Oxford’s college life. You have to know how to find it. Yousafzai leads me through quadrangles and out into a hidden garden. Inside are dusty pint glasses and spiderwebs, and board games with the pieces missing.

We are meeting on a bright summer afternoon, ahead of the release of her memoir, Finding My Way, a sequel to her 2013 bestseller I Am Malala. Dressed in a blue shirt, jeans and a headscarf, Yousafzai is accompanied, at a discreet distance, by two close-protection officers. The college is quiet – it’s the summer holidays – and Yousafzai attracts no attention from the few students who remain as she tramps across the grass.

Blazer: Sandro; Dress: Issey Miyake; Earrings: Alighieri
Blazer: Sandro. Dress: Issey Miyake. Earrings: Alighieri

This is not our first interview. Our last conversation sparked days of negative headlines for Yousafzai, back home in her native Pakistan. As we gaze at the bong-shed, I fear that round two may lead to more of the same.

In 2021, I profiled a then-23-year-old Yousafzai for the cover of British Vogue. The world’s youngest Nobel laureate – she received the award at 17, for her activism for girls’ education – had recently graduated from university and was about to launch her adult life.

Yousafzai began campaigning at the age of 11. Her father, Ziauddin, is an education activist and she followed in his footsteps, writing a blog for BBC Urdu about her life as the Taliban shut down girls’ schools across Pakistan’s Swat valley where she lived. When a Taliban gunman shot her in the head on her school bus when she was just 15 years old, Yousafzai was airlifted to the UK and made a remarkable recovery, resettling with her family in Birmingham, where she attended secondary school, all the while campaigning for the rights of girls around the world to receive an education.

Malala Yousafzai in a hospital bed holding a teddybear
Yousafzai recovering at the Queen Elizabeth hospital in Birmingham 10 days after the attack. Photograph: PG P / Shutterstock

When I met Yousafzai in April 2021, she had just got a 2.1 from Oxford in politics, philosophy and economics, and signed a deal with Apple TV+ to develop and produce her own slate of TV and films. (The deal has now ended.) We did an interview at a hotel in London before walking around a Covid-era St James’s Park. When I asked her if she had a romantic partner, she blanched. “I would say that I have come across people who have been great, and I hope that I do find someone,” she stuttered, visibly embarrassed.

Later, she mused on marriage. “I still don’t understand why people have to get married,” she told me. “If you want to have a person in your life, why do you have to sign marriage papers, why can’t it just be a partnership?”

Her comments seemed unexceptional. I was more concerned that the fact she’d told me that she frequented pubs could create controversy, given that Yousafzai is Muslim, and so when I wrote up the interview I was careful to specify that she did not drink alcohol.

The article came out. Yousafzai shared it, and sent me a message of thanks. The following day, logging on to Twitter (now X), I saw that #shameonMalala was trending in Pakistan. Her comments had been widely misinterpreted to mean that she was denouncing nikah, the Islamic institution of marriage, and implicitly to suggest that she condoned premarital sex.

She led Pakistan’s national news for days. Online commentators accused Yousafzai of betraying her religion as a result of western indoctrination. An influential cleric tagged her father on Twitter, asking him to explain his daughter’s un-Islamic remarks. (He responded, saying they had been taken out of context.) Parliamentarians in an assembly in north-west Pakistan even debated her comments.

Yousafzai maintained a dignified silence. And then, in November 2021, she announced her surprise wedding to Pakistani cricket manager Asser Malik. Many, including myself, struggled to make sense of it.

Malala Yousafzai sitting on the floor leaning backwards with her right arm supporting her, wearing a light-blue shirt with rolled-up sleeves, a lim-green textured skirt and a pale green scarf tied underneath her chin
Shirt: Stella McCartney. Skirt: Kent & Curwen. Headscarf and shoes: Gucci

Malala, what happened?!” I ask now as she walks, alone, into an empty conference room and greets me with a hug.

She smiles sheepishly. “When you asked that question [about meeting someone],” she says, “I felt like I was caught. It was like, wait a second, does she know anything? I was like, no, no, no, you know, I just don’t want to get married.”

In Finding My Way, Yousafzai reveals that, by the time of the Vogue interview, she and Malik were already dating. In other words, Yousafzai over-corrected to throw me off the scent.

But she was sincere in having her doubts about marriage. Growing up in Pakistan, she says, it represented “a future without any opportunity, where your husband determines your life”.

Malala Yousafzai, wearing a bright=red dress amd headscarf with Asser Malik, wearing a black suit and tie with a white shirt at the Elle Style Awards
Yousafzai with her husband Asser Malik last month. Photograph: David Fisher/Shutterstock

After the furore, her parents, but particularly her mother, were distraught. “She was so mad at me,” Yousafzai says. Family and friends kept texting articles. An imam from her village called to lecture her parents on the phone. “I was facing a lot of pressure,” she says, “from my dad, especially, and my mum, to issue a statement to clarify what my thoughts were on marriage, and I found this absurd.”

And then there was Malik. Yousafzai’s parents had met him, but she hadn’t felt ready to make the relationship public. She felt guilty for disavowing him publicly, but Malik didn’t blame her, and instead stepped in to help mediate with her parents. Over the following months, Yousafzai began to interrogate her views on marriage. She asked Malik about his thoughts on women and equality, and liked what she heard. “I’m supposed to be an advocate for girls and women, and even I was limiting my own self in how I perceived marriage,” Yousafzai says.

But there were other pressures, familiar to any immigrant child who has butted up against their parents’ cultural expectations. When Malik and Yousafzai left the house together, her mother would urge them to “maintain, like, a 10-foot distance”, she says.

It seems from reading Finding My Way that she would not have married so young were it not for her parents. She nods. “I felt like I was sort of giving up,” she says. Refusing to marry would have led to not only interfamilial, but international, conflict. “Am I willing to fight my mum and my dad? Am I willing to start a new debate on people living together without these ceremonies and traditions?” Yousafzai realised that she couldn’t live with Malik “without getting married in the traditional way, in the religious way”.

She could dig her heels in, but it would cause immense pain to her parents. And, besides, she was in love. “He’s so charming, he’s so smart, and I just could not stop thinking about him.” So she relented. On 9 November 2021, at her parents’ house in Birmingham, in an Islamic ceremony, Yousafzai married.


After marriage, Yousafzai realised that “things feel sort of the same. They’re not that different.” She lives with Malik in a riverside apartment in London. They split the chores; neither cooks, instead eating out or using a meal delivery service. (Yousafzai’s mother thinks this is “a disaster. She says, ‘Your house is the only house where there’s a fridge with no vegetables!’”)

It has been only four years since we met, but Yousafzai is much changed. The woman I met before appeared girlish, even a little gauche. She was visibly mortified when we spoke about relationships. Now, she is grounded and at ease. She also looks subtly different, having undergone surgery to improve the facial paralysis she suffered after the attack.

At university, Yousafzai experienced the sweetness of independent adult life for the first time. When we met in 2021, she described a whirl of college balls, societies and essay crises. Now she’s more willing to share the unvarnished reality of her university experience.

I thought nothing could scare me, nothing. And then I was scared of small things, and that just broke me

Malala Yousafzai wearing a long flowing white outfit and a black headscarf, standing against a dark-green wall
Skirt, shirt and scarf: Jacquemus. Earrings: Pond London. Cuff: Charlotte Chesnais. Head scarf: stylist’s own

In Finding My Way, Yousafzai writes of the pressures of having to travel internationally, maintaining the relationships critical to the Malala Fund, which supports girls’ education projects around the world, in addition to paid speaking gigs. She is the breadwinner not only for her parents and two brothers, but also for her extended family back home in Pakistan, and even family friends. (At one point, she was paying for two family friends to attend college, in the US and Canada.)

Did she feel resentful of these financial obligations? “It was difficult to manage,” Yousafzai says. She “hated the experience of thinking about our expenses for the next year and [thinking], OK, I have to do this event, because otherwise we won’t be able to cover these costs.

Malala Yousafzai wearing an orange dress, pale-purple cardigan and red head scarf, smiling and holding up her Nobel medal
Yousafzai displays her medal during the Nobel Peace Prize awards ceremony in Norway, 2014. Photograph: Cornelius Poppe/AFP/Getty Images

Her studies suffered. Yousafzai got a 2.2 in her first-year exams and had to seek additional support from specialist tutors, a humbling experience for the most famous education activist in the world. “I felt like an impostor,” she laughs. “I felt ashamed.” She asked her tutor to write a letter to her parents explaining that she was forbidden from working during term time because she was failing her degree. Why didn’t she tell her parents herself? “I had talked to my family many times about the pressure,” she says, “and how difficult it was to manage.”

She writes of how, at home in Birmingham, “my dad treated our house like an art museum, and me like the signature piece in the collection”. She would be summoned downstairs to meet visitors keen to gawp at a Nobel laureate up close. “My dad is a very generous person,” she says, “a giving person, and he always understood what other people wanted … in his heart, he knew that they wanted to meet me.”

Have there been times, I ask, where he’s pushed you too much?

“Oh,” she laughs, “he has physically pushed me.” When meeting well-wishers or guests at family events, Ziauddin has given her the odd shove. “You know when you have a little kid, and you sort of push the kid [to] say hello to this person? I’m, like, it’s fine when they’re little kids, you know.” But even when she’s grouching, it’s clear Yousafzai has tremendous love and respect for the man who, however inadvertently, propelled her on to the world stage. “My dad has always been supportive,” she says. “Whenever I explain something to him, he completely understands it. He is one of those cool dads, who never disagrees with me.”

But I fear even the world’s most down-to-earth father may have concerns about what Yousafzai – whose new book is likely to be a bestseller (her first memoir sold nearly 2m copies) – is about to put in the public domain.


And so to the bong incident. What happened that night: Yousafzai tried to walk back to her room, but she blacked out en route. A girlfriend carried her back instead. She couldn’t sleep. Her brain endlessly replayed a loop of the day the Taliban attempted to murder her. The gun. The bloodspray. Her body being carried through crowds to an ambulance.

She had always thought she couldn’t remember being shot. But the bong unlocked long-submerged memories, of the attack and also of a childhood growing up under the spectre of Taliban violence. “I had never felt so close to the attack as then, in that moment,” she tells me. “I felt like I was reliving all of it, and there was a time when I just thought I was in the afterlife.” She felt she was dying, or already dead. “It’s easier to laugh about it now,” she says, with a small, tight smile.

Listening to her speak, I feel deep compassion for all she went through as a young child. “I was nine or 10 when the Taliban took over control in our valley,” she says, “and they would bomb schools, they would kill or slaughter people and hang their bodies upside down.”

After the bong, Yousafzai developed anxiety. “I felt numb … I couldn’t recognise myself in the mirror,” she says. The sweetness of college life fell away. She told her parents in general terms about the incident, but “they were a bit dismissive”, she says. She struggled to tell them how much it had affected her mental health. “I just could not explain to them that things are not the same any more.”

Optimism is the only way you can keep going, because there’s no other option

Friends were worried about her. (Maria, her personal assistant, who lives in London, was so concerned she drove up to be with her immediately after the incident.) Yousafzai lied and told them things were fine. “I’m the girl who was shot … I’m supposed to be a brave girl,” she says. Until she couldn’t pretend any longer. “I’d be sweating and shaking and I could hear my heart beat. Then I started getting panic attacks.” She saw a therapist, and realised that her childhood, the attempted murder and exam stress were overwhelming her mental health. In the book, Yousafzai writes a list of her symptoms at the time: a racing heart, finding it hard to breathe, struggles sleeping, brain fog and a constant fear of someone she loved dying. “Normal people don’t have lists like this,” she writes, adding, “Something is wrong with me.”

“I survived an attack,” she says, “and nothing happened to me, and I laughed it off. I thought nothing could scare me, nothing. My heart was so strong. And then I was scared of small things, and that just broke me. But, you know, in this journey I realised what it means to be actually brave. When you can not only fight the real threats out there, but fight within.”

Has becoming famous so young also had an impact? “Yes,” Yousafzai says, nodding emphatically. She talks about how young she was when she started winning awards, and what it was like to go to ceremonies and see activists there who had spent decades fighting for a cause. It made her feel as if she needed to “spend the rest of my life campaigning for girls’ education” to show she was worthy.

But no matter how many leaders she lobbied, or projects she helped to fund – Yousafzai glows when she talks about the girls’ school she opened back home – she felt it was not enough. There was “always this feeling … could I do more?” Her youthful idealism began to flake and peel off in patches, and then rub clean away. “As I was getting older,” she says, “I was realising that things are not as straightforward. Things are more complex.”

As a teen, Yousafzai had seen the world as a biddable place. She would reason with world leaders! Show them girls’ education was important! As she got older, she began to see the world as it really is.

You became cynical? I ask.

“Yeah,” she says, “for sure.” She gives a bitter, clipped laugh. “100%.”


In April 2021, the US announced it was withdrawing from Afghanistan in August of that year. Within days of them leaving, the Taliban took over the country. “We had calls with the Afghan activists who the Malala Fund were supporting,” she says, “and it was just unbelievable. Some of them knew the worst was coming. Some of them still had faith.”

Afghanistan is now the only country in the world where girls cannot go to secondary school or higher education, with the only option available being madrasas that promote an extreme interpretation of Islam. The Malala Fund continues to do what it can. “We are providing funding for alternative education right now,” she says. “There are underground schools, there are radio and television education programmes.”

Yousafzai is heartbroken at what has come to pass. “I feel the world has forgotten about the women in Afghanistan,” she says. What stings is that “people were willing to trust the Taliban more than Afghan women”. Which people, I ask? “World leaders,” she says, “decision makers.”

Yousafzai writes of emailing politicians, begging for their assistance in evacuating her Afghan partners to safety before the Taliban took over. “For years, I’d smiled in pictures with these leaders, shaken their hands and stood next to them at podiums – but not one of them picked up the phone, or replied to my messages. To the men who ran the world, I was just a photo op.”

Who didn’t take her calls? She mentions Biden. Johnson. Macron. Trudeau. She notes, pointedly, that female politicians did. Erna Solberg, the then Norwegian prime minister, former secretary of state Hillary Clinton and Lolwah Al-Khater, assistant foreign minister of Qatar at the time, stepped in to help evacuate her Afghan partners to safe countries, in some instances without passports.

For many years, Yousafzai pioneered a model of professional activism: cautious, consensus-driven, willing to work with institutions, rather than calling them out; one that used the photo op and the handshake, rather than the megaphone and the protest. Her detractors said she was too corporate, but Yousafzai sincerely believed it was better to work with people and make incremental change. And then Afghanistan happened. Did she feel duped?

Malala Yousafzai wearing an orange sari, green trousers and a black head scarf, sitting on a chair with Barack Obama sitting in a chair on her left and Michelle and Malia Obama sitting on a sofa to her right
Yousafzai at the White House with Barack and Michelle Obama and their daughter Malia in 2013. Photograph: Hum Images/ Universal Images Group/Getty Images

“I do feel like I’m more cynical,” she says. “But, at the same time, I do my work. I know that optimism is the only way you can keep going, because there’s no other option.”

There is a perception on social media that, as one of the most prominent Muslim activists in the world today, Yousafzai has not done enough to speak out on Gaza. This perception is not entirely fair. Through the Malala Fund, and personally, Yousafzai has donated hundreds of thousands of pounds to organisations that support children and schools in Gaza. She first called for a ceasefire on 10 October 2023.

Today, it is Yousafzai who brings up Gaza. “Israel has to stop this indiscriminate bombing,” she says. Humanitarian aid must be allowed in, she adds, characterising the starvation of civilians as “deliberate”. But, still, the perception lingers. Her critics, she says, “completely are dismissing or ignoring the actual work that I’m doing”.

Yousafzai describes what is happening in Gaza as “a genocide”. “You look at the evidence, you look at what’s happening, you look at how they’re [the IDF] committing these actions, and it’s very clear if they’re targeting people for collecting aid, or getting water. Everyone knows children are unarmed.” She also calls for the release of the surviving hostages being held by Hamas in Gaza in appalling conditions. “I’ve been very consistent in saying that the hostages should be freed … I don’t believe in using violence for resistance.”

Does she think she has done enough? “I wish I lived in a world where I could do a tweet and the world would stop the war.” After we meet, Yousafzai travels to Egypt to meet injured Palestinian child refugees, and announces a $100,000 grant from the Malala Fund to support their medical treatment and education.

“There isn’t a night where I don’t think about what I can do,” she says.


Throughout the 2010s, Yousafzai was the most prominent of a wave of child activists – such as the climate-change campaigners Greta Thunberg and Vanessa Nakate, or gun-control advocate Emma González (now X González) – feted by world leaders, invited to events, on the covers of magazines, writing bestselling memoirs, delivering speeches to adoring audiences. This cultural moment has now passed. The celebrity activist feels like a relic of a different era. Many question what these activists achieved.

The Malala Fund supports girls’ education projects in six countries. In order to maintain the funding streams, Yousafzai has to cultivate relationships with funders and world leaders, inevitably leading to accusations of selling out. Most of the people who slam her online will never achieve a fraction of what she has done for girls around the world. But it can at times be jarring to see Yousafzai enjoying an international jet-set lifestyle – days out at Formula One and at Taylor Swift concerts – interspersed with posts about Gaza or the plight of Afghan girls.

She is often compared unfavourably by her critics, particularly those on the left, with Thunberg, who is willing to put herself in physical danger, boarding the Freedom Flotilla and setting sail for Gaza. “I really look up to Greta,” says Yousafzai, adding she checked in with her after she was detained by Israeli authorities.

In April 2024, Yousafzai attended the opening night of Suffs, a Broadway musical about the suffragettes that she executive produced. Also in attendance was Hillary Clinton, a fellow executive producer. Online commentators flamed Yousafzai for being associated with the hawkish former secretary of state. In reality, Yousafzai says, she didn’t realise that Clinton was an executive producer on the project until after she had been brought on, and they did not work together on it.

“People say, ‘Oh, you’re at the Suffs premiere, you are an executive producer, oh, Hillary Clinton has these views, therefore you support these views, therefore you are also complicit.”

Being photographed at the same star-studded premiere as Clinton, rightly or wrongly, reinforces a persistent criticism of Yousafzai in Pakistan: that she is in the pocket of western powers; there are even longstanding rumours that she is an intelligence asset. When I ask her about this, she pushes back. “Pakistan is a part of me,” she says, “and so I get defensive when I’m asked this question. I say, no, no, no, Pakistan doesn’t hate me.”

She fears that by giving succour to the view that she is unpopular in Pakistan, she feeds into broader anti-Muslim sentiment: the idea that Pakistan is a country full of backwards people who instinctively hate educated women. “I believe,” she says, “and it is deliberate, on my side, that I have a lot more love and support in Pakistan.” But, equally, she says, “I’m not going to deny there isn’t any hint [of hatred] at all. There is. There have been these campaigns from when I was, like, 12 years old.

“The criticism is not against me,” she adds. “It’s more criticism against the west, criticism against these bigger narratives, and political conversations, but I am sort of attached to it.”

Still, it’s clear to see it wears on her. “I do find it sad,” she admits, “that I sometimes have to read everything 10 times before I post it, because I’m, like, what is it that will get people’s attention?

It is difficult. I do wish for more freedom in expressing myself.”

Malala Yousafzai dressed in a pink dress and head scarf at the UN headquarters in New York with Ban Ki-Moon presenting her with the charter, Gordon Brown on the far right and Ban’s wife Ban Soon-taek on the far left
Yousafzai being presented with the United Nations Charter by the then UN secretary general Ban Ki-moon in 2013. Photograph: Stan Honda/AFP/Getty Images

After I wrap up the section of the interview on politics, Yousafzai exhales with relief and stretches her arms out in front of her, as if we are colleagues who have just finished a difficult task and can now relax with a cup of tea and a biscuit. By contrast, when it comes to talking about her family and her relationship with Malik, she speaks freely, laughing often. She is happiest when talking about her plans for Recess, an investment fund with a focus on women’s sports that she recently launched with Malik.

Recess isn’t a non-profit, as I initially assumed. It’s a business, with the aim of increasing participation in women’s sports. Malik helped Yousafzai find her love of exercise. The fact that Malik is a cricket manager was part of his initial appeal, says the cricket-mad Yousafzai, even if her husband refuses to let her watch him play. “He says,” Yousafzai says, with an eye roll, “‘I used to work in cricket management! I was not a professional cricketer!’ I’m, like, uh-huh. He did not explain that before marriage.” She hopes that Recess will “create more opportunities for women in sports” and help women “get a say in sports at all levels, whether that’s from the field to the owner’s box”.

Before we leave, I ask Yousafzai if her parents have read Finding My Way. She says she has given them the gist of it, but they have not read it. “I have told them, ‘You will read it when it’s released, and you can pick it up from any bookshelf in any bookstore, and feel free to read it, but then you cannot make any changes.’”

I understand the logic, familiar to many first- and second-generation immigrant children, including myself. Ask for forgiveness, not permission. But I’m also floored. Because Yousafzai is a global figure: the bong story will, inevitably, unleash a maelstrom of negative publicity back home.

She is ready. “I am very prepared for that,” Yousafzai says, absolutely calm. “I don’t think I’m going to get defensive about it at all. I’m not going to issue any statement. If anybody has any confusion, they can read my book and decide for themselves.”

It strikes me as I walk away from our interview that she never chose any of this. To be shot as a child, to be airlifted to the UK, to win the Nobel peace prize. Yousafzai seems to be someone who consistently puts others before herself, whether it’s accommodating her parents’ cultural expectations around marriage, supporting her family back home, or dedicating her life to advancing girls’ education. “I’m working so hard to learn how to say no,” she says, “and to be more direct … I do sort of overthink about other people’s feelings sometimes.”

If the story of her teens and early 20s was of service to others, her late 20s are about Yousafzai choosing happiness for herself. I think she deserves it.

Sri Lanka Positions Itself as Strategic Investment Gateway Ahead of Landmark Economic Summit

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October 13, Colombo (LNW): Sri Lanka is preparing to host a pivotal international investment forum in December, as government officials and business leaders rally diplomatic support and global interest for what is being described as a turning point in the country’s economic revival.

The “Sri Lanka Economic and Investment Summit 2025” is scheduled to take place in Colombo on the 2nd and 3rd of December, with the aim of deepening international commercial ties and positioning the nation as a compelling destination for long-term, high-value investment.

At a hybrid briefing held on 10th October, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Employment, Arun Hemachandra, made a clear appeal to the international diplomatic community to engage actively in the lead-up to the Summit. The session, jointly convened by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment & Tourism and the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce, brought together representatives from foreign embassies and consulates, both physically and virtually, including missions accredited to Sri Lanka.

Deputy Minister Hemachandra underscored the significance of the upcoming Summit in the context of Sri Lanka’s ongoing economic transformation. Citing tangible improvements in macroeconomic indicators—such as stronger foreign reserves, consistent growth, and decisive structural reforms—he invited foreign partners to explore collaborative ventures across key sectors including manufacturing, renewable energy, digital services, and tourism.

He described Sri Lanka as a resilient and strategically located economic partner in South Asia, now emerging from crisis with renewed focus and institutional stability. “This is an ideal moment for global investors to engage with a country that has not only stabilised but is now reforming with purpose and vision,” he said.

Ceylon Chamber of Commerce Chairman Krishan Balendra echoed this sentiment, calling the December Summit a high-impact platform for frank dialogue and opportunity mapping between global investors, policy-makers, and the Sri Lankan private sector. He urged diplomatic missions to help mobilise foreign investor delegations and to spotlight Sri Lanka’s potential as Asia’s next dynamic investment frontier.

The Chamber’s Secretary General, Buwanekabahu Perera, described the Summit as a “confidence-building milestone,” emphasising that it would serve as a conduit between reform-driven government policy and the readiness of the local business sector to welcome international capital and expertise.

The Ministry and the Chamber highlighted that this initiative is part of a wider collaborative strategy involving Sri Lanka’s missions overseas and international partner chambers affiliated with the Ceylon Chamber. These efforts, they noted, are essential in shaping meaningful international engagement and ensuring the Summit delivers real-world investment outcomes.

With planning well underway, both the government and the Chamber are preparing to welcome a wide array of business delegations, institutional investors, and trade envoys to Colombo in December. The event is expected to feature sector-focused sessions, bilateral investment meetings, and policy dialogues aimed at fostering long-term partnerships that contribute to sustainable and inclusive growth.

Organisers see the Summit not just as a showcase of opportunity, but as a vital step towards reintroducing Sri Lanka to the world—not as a country recovering from difficulty, but as one confidently forging a path towards economic modernisation and regional leadership.